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Vice Chairmen: F. He led management consulting teams advising several Fortune 50 companies, including Bain's two largest clients worldwide. Chairman - Quilvest. Chairman : Peter Bemberg French, born in was appointed director of the Company on March 13, Michel is a Quilvest Board of Directors member since Michel joined Quilvest in after being a Co-Founding Partner of Delta Capital, a private equity fund with a focus on emerging markets.

Kennedy School of Government. He is married with three children. He was director of Quilmes Industrial from December until August Mr Baillet is an experienced private equity investor. Baillet was with Citibank in New York. Directors: Serge de Ganay French, born in was appointed director of the Company on June 22, He was a director of Quilmes Industrial from June until January He has been in the strategic and management consulting industry for the past 20 years.

He is the founder and chairman of the Group G consulting company with offices based in Paris, Brussels and London. He had taught at the Sorbonne as program director for 10 years, and has published articles and given conferences on new management trends and developments.

He was a director of Quilmes Industrial from April until April His principal fields of activity are corporate and commercial law, tax law, banking and finance law as well as administrative law. He publishes frequently in these areas. He was Chairman from June 22, until the end of his term in The current term expires in the year He was a director of Quilmes Industrial from June until August He holds a degree in economics and business administration from Unversidad Computense in Madrid.

From to he was with Citigroup Inc. Stanislas Poniatowski French, born in was appointed director in He is the founding shareholder of Royalty Pharma, a leading pharma and biotech investment firm. Poniatowski has been acting as board Member of various companies such as Quilmes Industrial S. Luxembourg , Saint Germain Investment S.

France , Tectona S. He was Managing Director at Lazard with generalist role in the merger and acquisition and corporate advisory area. He has been involved in a number of cross border assignments and transactions in Europe, the United States and Latin America. Francois Manset French, born in was appointed director in Between and , Mr. International Advisory Services IAS was appointed director on June 11, and its term of office expires in the year The company is represented by Mr.

Christian Baillet. Dopo quattro giorni dallo sbarco incontrastato, si fu al punto di muovere lungo il mare, protetti a destra dalle squadre per dar battaglia sul terreno che il nemico medesimo aveva scelto. Bisognava quindi non far troppi calcoli, rischiar tutto, e intervenire a qualsiasi prezzo. Quel che importava, era intervenire: il resto aveva importanza secondaria. Testi e documenti. La squadra sarda in Oriente annoverava 3. La forza totale fu di Il 22 aprile arrivarono altri ufficiali dello Stato Maggiore a bordo della fregata da guerra Costituzione.

Una potenza colossale quale la Russia diverrebbe tra breve tal potenza marittima da dominare orgogliosamente entro e fuori dello stretto dei Dardanelli. Il suo naviglio guerresco solcherebbe minaccioso le acque del Mediterraneo Cadorna, Valerio. Dal diario del sottotenente pro tempore del I Reggimento di Guerra, Giuseppe Francesco Ceresa di Bonvillaret, si possono ricostruire i giorni immediatamente precedenti alla partenza da Genova e la rotta di navigazione per Balaklava.

Appena giunti, i soldati si accamparono in attesa della consegna delle bandiere da parte del re Vittorio Emanuele II che avvenne il giorno successivo. Il 15 aprile si registrarono i primi casi di diserzione, mentre nei giorni seguenti alcuni soldati cercavano di dirigersi nella vicina Alessandria al fine di contrarre qualche malattia venerea per essere esonerati dalla partenza.

Nella ricostruzione della rotta, il 7 maggio, in condizioni meteorologiche piovose, ma con mare calmo, le imbarcazioni passarono in vista delle isole toscane di Capraia, Gorgona, Elba, Montecristo, Pianosa, Giglio, mentre a ovest si intravedevano le coste corse. Dopo tre ore di navigazione tra le Eolie e lo stretto di Messina, le imbarcazioni entrarono nello Ionio perdendo di vista la terra che venne lasciata dietro, a ovest.

Una volta giunti in Egeo il rimorchio 58Ibidem. Roux e C. Dopo quarantotto ore, nella tarda mattinata del 16 maggio, le imbarcazioni entrarono nel Mar Nero dove iniziano le prime lontane visioni di colonne di fumo, fiamme e si cominciarono a udire i primi colpi di cannone. Dopo sette giorni, le operazioni di sbarco furono concluse e il corpo di spedizione, composto da cinque brigate, fu accampato vicino Balaklava, a Karani Il predominio dei mari e in particolare del vasto bacino del Mar Nero divenne, fin dalle prime battute del conflitto, condicio sine qua non per la riuscita delle operazioni militari, un essenziale elemento che permise alla coalizione antirussa di avere la meglio sul nemico assediato da mesi a Sebastopoli, suo principale porto militare ormai paralizzato e privo di qualsiasi potenziale offensivo sul fronte marittimo.

La guerra, estenuante e interminabile, ebbe una svolta nei primi giorni del settembre Gli scontri cruenti terminarono in uno scenario drammatico: in soli tre giorni circa La neutralizzazione delle imbarcazioni zariste e il controllo del mare permisero di monopolizzare i traffici marittimi e fecero delle marinerie elementi essenziali per la riuscita delle operazioni militari. Both men and women for the first time will get involved in this debate and the written press is one of the media they used as a vehicle for their ideas, for or against women.

Thus we chose as a study case to analyze the manners through which this gender discussion develops in the Transylvanian Romanian press of the second half of the XIXth century. Part of a major research project, we limited our analysis, for the timebeing, to a single review that is the Amiculu Familiei, as its declared aim is that of both educating and entertaining its readers.

Lacking mind. These are the real aspects that marked the Feminine profile in both the Medieval and Modern times. Hence this paperwork aims at studying the way in which the feminine profile has been changing or actually adapting to the new social and intellectual background of the XIXth century.

The work is focused on Asistent Professor Ph. Clusium, , p. The written press was chosen as a documentary source, for the research of the way in which the discourse over women changes, out of two reasons. First of all, because it somehow represents an intermediary documentary support, a place where the official and the real meet — and this is exactly why it has tremendous importance in the history of women. In fact, up to the democratic revolutions, women did not react to the masculine dominant- patronizing discourse building their own identity.

Only starting with the XIXth century, throughout promoting new values such as universalism, human rights etc. Thus, women gradually stepped over the limited space of the family and actively got involved in social life. Saeculum, , p. Also, a good part of the articles underlie the progress that women made, as social actors, in their statute, within the 19th century, as opposed to the inferiority level that women had in former centuries7.

Women as family founders No doubt, the image of women as family founders and hence the idea that the specific space for women is the private space plays a representative role as far as the Romanian written press of the XIXth century is concerned. The article seems to be part of a lecture and is actually homage to women and their quality as educators.

They are the primordial human beings, as successors of the Blessed Virgin Mary. Paulina Zaharescu, principal of the vocational girls school in Bucharest, with the occasion of a prize awarding ceremony. The whole discourse emphasizes the great utility of education offered to women. Interesting or perhaps duplicity bearing?

In fact it is about the same topic as the previous edition — only now the speech of King Carol I is quoted. It is worth noticing this tendency, perfectly anchored in the realities of the time otherwise, to take over the pattern from outside the Carpathians and implicitly to mould the debates on the Transylvanian feminist movement after the Romanian model in the Romanian Royalty.

Broadly speaking, the two aspects: maternity and the need of women to have access to education appear simultaneously in the articles published in Amiculu Familiei. Emilia Lungu wrote related to the Romanian woman.

Her activity in this respect shall be developed on several layers, an official one — whose aim was to obtain the permission to found an institute for girls — and another less formal — that of using the written press as a means to promote 11 Ibidem.

Quotes from J. Thus the talk initiated in this end of XIXth century reminds of the similar debates back to Renaissance and Reforms period, when women were granted the right to education only in order to increase the prestige of their husbands. How can anyone pretend that women should stay outside everything but household activities but still influence her family to conquer sciences…? What could she offer when her mind looks like a board with nothing written on it?

The objective overtly declared by the author is to contour the social status of women appealing to historical evidence, as well as to rational arguments perfectly integrated in the contemporary time. The analysis is also headed towards future: the obvious effort of the author to indicate the directions in which it was compulsory that the social status of women should improve. Still, roles should not be mistaken for!

The author does not talk about equality between men and women; he just stands for the uplifting of women so that they could serve mainly to their husbands and families As far as wide perception is concerned, progress is obvious.

The woman does not define herself by reference to the familial context any longer, but the issue of her social position is approached. This is the very context in which the same question in the article of Mrs. Reflecting over the past times determines the author to signal on the shortcomings of the social system of whose the most serious is the absence of public schools for girls. In fact, this is the very source of all the other lacking aspects which bring about the inferiority of the woman of modern age.

Women are inferior in their families as well as in society. Society is rejecting change. The woman is a human being too and hence it is compulsory that she be granted her rights as a human being — it is no longer 20Ibidem. The vision that the author renders is the one that has marked the debates over women for centuries: Adam and Eve, two parts of the same whole, but Eve create out of Adam and so implicitly dependant on him and inferior to him.

The debates in the Romanian written press of the XIXth century shall thus make a contribution to the complete contour of the feminine profile; this had for centuries been dominated by the roles of daughter, wife and mother. A new dimension has gradually been developed, through successive add-ons — that of the woman as a social actor, and by extension, as a citizen with limited rights for the moment.

Women become gradually topics of history, they become directly involved in this debate over the role that they should have in society. The guidelines of this evolution are outlined by State policies but, at the same time, the variety of local and regional forces generates different rhythms, producing different versions.

Between the Revolution of and World War I, the town of Reghin, founded in the 13th century by a Saxon population, adheres to an urban model through industrialisation, demographic growth, town planning and diversification of cultural and social activities. However, the major challenge and, concurrently, the materialisation of modernity in this area are the change of the ethnic and social structure.

Keywords: Modernization, Urban Evolution, State Policies, Local Diversity Modernity is a slippery concept, with no firm base in time or place and with no clearly defined characteristics; its features differ with each authority1. All theories and perspectives upon its definition, periodization, characteristics and consequences substantiate there is no single modernization theory. Recent approaches to this problem are even talking in terms of "alternative modernities".

These ways of thinking stress the variety of local, regional, and global forces whose combination shapes the particular histories of modernity, producing different versions in different places2. In this context, each study on the modernity of local or regional communities could enrich the overall picture, reflecting the extent to which the major processes of modernity have affected daily life of common person.

Our study, which is part of a broader research on the modernization process of a local community that is representative for Transylvania of the 19th century through its character and structure, deals with one of the fundamental characteristics of modernization: urbanization.

My intention is to capture the impact of State policies on the modern evolution of urban areas. Nevertheless, the cosmopolitan, multi-ethnic and multi- denominational structure of the Transylvanian province often triggered inconsistencies as far as the priorities of the Government policies and those of the ethnic communities were concerned, which led to the diversity of the modernization project, which surpassed from numerous points of view the options of the Governments3.

Founded by a Saxon population in the 13th century, in the context of the colonization policy practiced by the Hungarian Kings, the town of Reghin became in the next centuries an important trade centre in the area. The privileges enjoyed by the Saxons have greatly contributed to its economic development and prosperity. Although surrounded by strong Romanian and Hungarian communities, in the spirit of medieval tradition, the town had remained closed to the outsiders for centuries. The existing political and social order was strongly contested by the Revolution of In terms of urban evolution, the period between and the World War I marks the entry on the path of deep reforms, which will erase the medieval legacy and will consecrate the modern urban model.

Considerably affected by the conflicts in the year and Reghin owes its subsequent development mainly to Government policies. The government loan amounting to , florins granted to the town in represents the first impetus towards economic and social recovery after the tragedy in the year The economic liberalism promoted in Vienna in the era of neo-absolutism, the dissolution of guilds, the regulation of ownership, as well as the laws governing the protection of national capital, create a favourable environment for the development of the market economy and production.

The Example of the Town of Reghin The Second Half of the 19th Century present, the growing activity of whom results in the creation of the first associations and businesses. Indeed, at first, the factories in the town are small since the owners work with few employees and use a small number of machines, but their activity develops systematically and the signs of industrialisation are more and more conspicuous.

Thus, if in , In this manner, at the beginning of the 20th century, there were 36 factories in Reghin that produced timber, parquetry, slats for furniture; there were also 2 steam mills, 4 spirits factories, leather factories, tanning houses, one carriage factory, one joinery shop, which had 30 employees in , one hatters shop, one foundry, one brick factory.

The growth of the industrial activity led to the establishment of a power plant, which was ready in when there were 42 operating electric engines in town5. The city is gradually connecting to the economic life of the Dualist State since the factories in Reghin export their products outside the boundaries of the Province, and even of the Monarchy6. At the beginning of the 20th century, the entrepreneurs in Reghin participate in international fairs in Bucharest, Budapest, London, and they even organise the first local industrial fairs7.

In addition, the town planning criteria in Reghin are enriched by organisation and development works: the streets are paved, the power and water supply and sewerage systems are built, and the town is connected to the telephone circuit. All this constitutes the framework of a modern urban structure. This economic development influenced the dynamic of the human factor. Comparing, the area under analysis to the Province and the Monarchy it was part of, one may note that demographic growth exceeds the general recorded figures.

Within the same time frames, Transylvania registers a growth of The demographic evolution in Reghin indicates the dynamic of the Transylvanian population, which was not at all linear as the specificity of the economic and social development generated variations and different growth rates even within the same area Economic progress, urban development, the growth of the human factors led to a different meaning of leisure.

Gradually, the bourgeois culture is arising. The theatre, the press, the choirs, the orchestras, the amateur theatricals, different associations are all an indication of a new urban lifestyle On the eve of the Revolution of , the Saxon community, as well as the Hungarian community benefit from reading clubs that are annually increasing their collections: in the second half of the 19th century, there were 1, volumes and subscriptions registered for the current newspapers In the second half of the 19th century, the number of these societies considerably increases and 10 At the beginning of the 20th century, four trains two passenger trains and two goods trains were arriving at and departing from the Reghin railway station daily.

In , the first casino is established, followed by a second one in These societies organise different types of performances, some of which for the purpose of raising funds for their own upkeep. Moreover, they participate in the organisation of different anniversary events.

Towards the end of the century, the sports activities also developed. As of , as part of the leisure park of the town, there was a swimming pool, a swimming school and a playing field. The sports associations participated in the cultural and social life of the town by organising different balls and feasts.

At the end of the 19th century and the beginning of the 20th century, in the context of a more and more hostile policy in terms of national affirmation, the cultural societies allowed the maintenance and affirmation of a shared identity. The expansion of cultural life, the propagation of mass culture is evidently based on the development of modern schools. Between the Revolution of and World War I, the evolution of the Transylvanian schools was guided by the Government policies of Vienna and then Budapest, the aim of which was to transform the schools in supportive instruments for political systems.

Despite the limitations of the Viennese school policies, which promoted centralism and absolute control of educational institutions, the reform initiated by Leon Thun led the Transylvanian education towards modernity and provided more practical and pragmatic features.

Moreover, denominational schools continued to function and expand together with the vocational schools. A Reformed denominational school was founded in and, at the end of the 19th century; the developing Jewish community opened its own private school The renovations and the expansion of these schools towards the end of the century are an indication of the growing interest for education of the urban population.

However, the major challenge and, concurrently, the materialisation of modernity in the Reghin area are, in our opinion, the change of the ethnic and social structure. The roots of these transformations are to be found in the Habsburg conquest. The Austrian policy in terms of subjection by counteracting the position of the three nations and four religions led to the creation of the Greek Catholic Church, thus generating a new alteration of the denominational structure, after that of the Reformation.

These profound transformations were strongly felt by the traditional inhabitants. A perfect example of these emotions is a description made by one of the most representative figures of the 19th century in Reghin, Joseph Haltrich A new alteration of the ethnic and social structure of the area takes place under the dualist regime in the context of the policy of the Hungarian State to create a single nation, the Hungarian nation.

The censuses conducted by the authorities in the second half of the 19th century prove the proportion of these changes. Thus, at the beginning of the s, there were Romanians, Hungarians, 2, Saxons, and Germans in town. There were also a small Jewish community of 40 people, 6 Armenians, 2 gipsies and 15 other nationalities. The Magyarisation of towns during the dualist regime through the assimilation of the German bourgeoisie, the settlement and the Magyarisation of Jewish people, is a general phenomenon in the entire Transylvanian province.

The effects of the economic laws, freedom in what trades are concerned and the dissolution of guilds have strongly shaken the economic power of the Saxons and triggered their massive emigration The Government policies in Budapest corresponding to their own interests favoured the expansion of the Hungarian element, but they also allowed a strong activity of the non-Hungarian communities by the right of association, which became one of the main means of supporting national identity.

The 19th century is the century of cultural exchanges and transfers, but also of cultural competitions on account of the awareness that culture derives from politics To conclude with, between the Revolution of and World War I, the town of Reghin adhered to an urban model through industrialisation, demographic growth, town planning and diversification of cultural and social activities.

The guidelines of all these transformations were outlined by State policies but, at the same time, the rhythm of these evolutions was strongly influenced by local specificities. The penetration of Hungarians and Romanians in the town, which was a major consequence of the 18th and 19th century reforms, generated progress in the long term as ethnic diversity, despite inherent tensions, favours competition and mutual productive exchanges.

Within the same nation, two Churches competed for the title of National Church. The relationship between the two faiths was not infrequently affected, in part because each Church attempted by various means to prove its own identity. The two Romanian Churches engaged in the struggle to preserve national identity and they gradually evolved from a Church autonomy into a political one. The Romanian identity discourse outlines into a point where the confessional and political elements become thoroughly intertwined.

At the end of the nineteenth century and given the political context, national identity is preserved with the joint effort of both ecclesiastical and political elites despite the differences. Although the secular spirit gains ground, the Church has undoubtedly its extremely important role in preserving and defending a, not only religious but also national right. Keywords: National Identity, Confessional Identity, the Romanian Orthodox Church, the Romanian Greek Catholic Church Inside deeply religious frames, such as Transylvania, confession plays an important role in the effort to emphasize the identity phenomenon.

For the Romanians, these two represented not only the frame of the spiritual life, but also the relationship with the Nation. Being Orthodox or Uniate meant… being Romanian. Key moments such as the Revolution of , the liberal regime of the 60s', raising the rank of the dioceses to the one of Metropolitan See and implicitly the emancipation from the foreign jurisdiction, the establishment of the dualist regime, the project of the Hungarian Catholic autonomy seen as a real danger by the Greek Catholic Church provided a significant contribution to the identity discourse maturation.

The Revolution of would gradually change the concept about the identity discourse from mainly religious bases to those of a more lay nature. August Treboniu Laurian would advocate for the "Romanian law" against religious disunion 3. National solidarity is what prevails.

Although the authorities tried religious disunion by confirming meetings based only on religious criteria, the national assemblies gain ground. The political context of did not allow religious dissensions. Therefore, it called for a Romanian Church and a Romanian Metropolitan See, without specifying any details about being Uniate or Orthodox. At The Metropolitan See appeared rather independent, both The Greek-Catholic Metropolitan See and The Orthodox Metropolitan See being part of it, but without mentioning, for example, which ecclesiastical forum it obeys 5.

Over the years expressing a sense of affiliation to the throne played not an insignificant role. Romanians regarded the emperor as a Catholic, it is true, but Christian, while the idea of a supposed Hungarian emperor, Calvin, was denigrated.

The powerful symbol of nationalism now said its word. In fact, this was the most serious disagreement between intellectuals and ecclesiastical hierarchy. Intellectuals saw the religious disputes as the key of division. A society based on reason rather than superstition and mysticism 7. Moreover, the demand to improve the synodal institution is frequently found as a necessity to impose a democratic line in the life of both Orthodox and Uniate Churches. The regular convening of the council is a rule of the Eastern Church9.

The Synod was considered a collective organization, the only one able to certify issues related to Church Similarly, the desire of the Karlowitz hierarchy to impose in the school field would meet rather strong resistance from the secular elements The Revolution of represented the triumph of the modern idea of nation, a solidarity based upon the uniform ideology imperative in the national program. The political leaders of the time understood it However, the bishops were recognized as leaders of the nation, they stood at the head of delegations, negotiated with the Hungarian government, signed memoranda and petitions on behalf of the people.

The petitions and memoranda were drafted by representatives of both the religious sphere, e. In the petitions and memoranda advocating religious and political autonomy there were claims based on the same grounds. Thus it is raised the noble origin of the people, the fidelity to the dynasty and, for example, the proof of loyalty to the emperor during military clashes in the revolution.

The political and religious administration based on the national argument, the National Congress and the National Assembly are claims that were included in the petition to the emperor on 25 February In the Christmas pastoral , the loyalty to the throne is clearly expressed: "Today, every Romanian is proud and high-minded about his nation because he is a member of the nation pleasant to the other just and fair compatriot nations.

The values preached by the Church are to be followed by the nation. The Church respected the government policy and laws, but it was the duty of the authorities to respect its rights. Studii de imagologie, vol. Romanians in Transylvania in the Second Half of the Nineteenth Century engage in spiritual matters, except those related to economy and education. The canon law was a matter depending on the clergy But the secular spirit began to gain ground even to some members of the Church.

Differences in view occurred on the background of sending delegations to the National Conference, the program and its regulations, but also inconsistencies regarding the Diet of Requests for cooperation were renewed after the dissolution of the Diet in , when both metropolitans were advised to resume talks for a united front for the national problem The two Romanian Churches invoked their own identity trying to argue that political unity is not equal to the hierarchical order.

Subordination to the Karlowitz hierarchy is considered to be non- canonical. For each Church, the Metropolitan See is a historical truth. From here to the proselytizing accusations there is little. The competition between the Orthodox and the Uniate people appears to be open, especially given that the Greek Catholics are the first to profit by the Metropolitan See restoration.

For the Uniate Church, this event is an extra opportunity to assert its strong connection with Rome, the center that maintains the links between religion and nation. Between and , the Romanian metropolitans played a leading role in the national movement.

However, after the dissolution of the Diet, the differences of opinion were obvious and the intellectuals decided to act by themselves in the autumn of The new religion was now nationalism, the one justifying the basic principles of society. The Orthodox Metropolitan was replaced being the president of Astra , and the National Church Congress held after raising to the rank of Metropolitan See of the Orthodox diocese have expressed a desire to have a stronger voice when it came to decide on Church matters.

Hierarchy would lose their influence more and more24, but the political system after brought together the laity and clergy to support the school and the Church as the two key elements of national identity. The Catholic autonomy is seen as a threat to the national and religious identity. The two parties: the Hungarians and the Romanians have different views not only about the religious principle but also the national one.

If the term schismatic had been so far applied to the religious disputes between the Orthodox and the Greek-Catholics, Hungarians are now those who called both the Uniate and the Orthodox, schismatics. Magyarization entered on the fields belonging to the Church and this was inconceivable. The Florentin Council, the Union with Rome, the establishment of Metropolitan Sees, the law of , are arguments that come to strengthen their own identity.

Rome is seen not only as the center of the faith but also of the nation. Against Hungarian, the Romanian language is viewed as a mean of preserving the individuality. At that time, National Congresses convened by the political elite stressed the special connection between the Church and Nation. The desire for a Uniate Church joint synod reunion remains a mark of individuality of this Church.

Since , in the context of new policy measures, confessionalism earns a political tinge too. A clearer separation of the religious and political issues will be achieved in the moment the political parties had established. The assembly in Miercurea Ciuc, assembly held without the participation of bishops declared itself against activism.

After the installation of Ioan Vancea in the Metropolitan See, there was an attempt to persuade the two Metropolitans in terms of cooperation. The Committee of Sibiu, in memory of the past and national solidarity, addressed to Sibiu and Blaj to this effect. But the different visions of the two Metropolitans said their word again Therefore, those who expressed their willingness to actively participate in the life of the Church supported Timotei Cipariu as a candidate.

The Metropolitan Miron Romanul involved in politics. He founded the Constitutional or Moderate Party, criticized the policy pursued by the National Party, the passivism promoted by the latter, as National Party members, in turn, blamed him for not sufficiently supporting the political struggle. In , he advised the Romanians not to participate in celebrations dedicated to the Millennium of the of the Hungarian State foundation In , the same Metropolitan protested against introducing Hungarian language in secondary schools and the establishment of kindergardens in Hungarian But they have not appeared together in Vienna.

Vasile Mangra participated in the political life in Arad and was a former Member of Parliament in Budapest in the government led by Tisza. The importance of the memorandum is underlined by Mangra at a meeting which he convened in front of a cathedral in Arad.

The liberal era enabled many Romanians to access to public functions. This, along with the increasing number of intellectuals and the growing importance of the press has helped to crystallize a political elite that, by its connections to Vienna and Budapest facilitated the process of secularization In one of the circulars, Bishop Ioan Alexi speaking about the importance of secular and sacred functions condemned the participation of the priests in the political actions Controversies appeared in the educational field too: mixed schools, object of dissension between the two Churches seen as a possible attempt against identity through the religious proselytism.

Then, the divisions between clergy and laity, the latter being against the participation of the clergy in the matter of education. Romanians in Transylvania in the Second Half of the Nineteenth Century particularly to solve the material issues For the intellectuals, school must be a modern environment dominated by the secular spirit. But the dualist era established a different role for school. Loyal citizens had to be good Hungarians too and the government in Budapest made a target of its policy out of this matter National identity is seen from different angles by the two Romanian Churches.

Through the connection with Latin, with the Catholic universalism, the Uniate Church is directed towards progress, while, under the auspices of Byzantium by the twinning with the Greeks and Slavs, the Orthodox Church is doomed to decay. Not only the Orthodox Church in Transylvania but also the Romanian Kingdom is accused of serving the interests of the state exclusively, promoting itself according to the state policy Both Churches, therefore, accuse each other at the expense of denationalization.

In the disputes between the two Churches, the alphabet problem remained an important religious and national identity matter. The Latin alphabet was supported by the promoters of the Union, an argument in favor of people with Latin names and roots. But the letters were considered a characteristic of the Eastern heritage Solidarity is stated in some issues as was the resistance to the laws considered by the Wekerle Government , but not in the national liberation movement of Romanians Romanians in Transylvania in the Second Half of the Nineteenth Century But this religious solidarity with the Hungarians brings huge reproaches from the Orthodox.

The national paradigm gains ground at the expense of religion. Religious rivalries culminated on the educational realm too, even in villages where we could barely maintain an educational institution, both confessions urging their own school The relationship between the two faiths was not infrequently affected, in part because of the fact that each church 46 Ibidem, p. The Uniates build a rather defensive identity discourse, while the Orthodox consider that they have nothing to defend, their confession descending along with the nation.

It is undisputed that the two Romanian Churches, engaged in the struggle to preserve national identity, and gradually from a church autonomy they have evolved into a political one. We are dealing with the nationalization of confession, with emphasis on the national character The ability to elaborate their own image, the Romanian identity discourse reveals into a point where the confessional and political elements become thoroughly intertwined.

Church involvement in the political realm was also shown in supporting the election method for candidates for the Diet and for the National Church conventions, or synods held every three years. In the late nineteenth century, we confront with a decrease illiteracy rate. On the other hand the number of trained is continuously growing, cultural associations and societies are multiplying in villages, priests in turn propagate nationalistic ideas after with increasing fervor For the two Romanian Churches, the identity discourse was formulated around the basic elements such as faith, ritual, and contribution to national history, tradition, national consciousness.

Tradition and ritual were important pillars. The efforts of the two Romanian Churches were highlighted in the struggle for autonomy, both religious, but which takes a national affiliation with the appeal to history. The identity discourse was promoted both by the ecclesiastical elites then hierarchically towards the clergy and social strata , and the new political class increasingly consistent. There were certainly controversies and differences between clergy and laity, different ways of understanding the role of the Church in building the national identity.

The political elite saw the Church as a national institution and it should not be forgotten that many ministers of the Church shared as citizens the ideology of a party or another The regime promoted by Budapest led the priests to get involved in politics to protect the interests of the Church. At the end of the nineteenth century and given the political context, the national identity is preserved with the joint effort of both ecclesiastical and political elites Secular spirit would influence ever more.

Although they had their sacred symbols, the National Assembly provides a good example. While nationalism warned by its power a multinational Habsburg empire, the myth of the good emperor loses importance. Now the nations claimed self- determination.

Church saw the confession as the element which defended the national consciousness over time. Political elites saw things from another angle. The Church autonomy gradually moved to political autonomy. The Church pastors and politicians combined their efforts to this effect. Differences of opinion between the clergy and political elite, and differences between the representatives of the two Romanian Churches.

However, the common front was strengthened when national interest demanded it. The policy of Budapest after gathered together the clergy and laity to support the school and 56 Sorin Mitu, op. Dobra, Lugoj, s. Politicians increasingly involved in church life and part of the ecclesiastical elite increasingly took part in politics Miron Romanul, Vasile Mangra, etc.

A society inside which illiteracy is declining, the cultural associations in the traditional village became increases, secular spirit gains ground. It's a new force, a new religion, the one of nationalism, which defends its rights. It is spread by a group of intellectuals who defend national identity, sometimes separately or together with the ecclesiastical elite.

But the latter, had undoubtedly its extremely important role in preserving and defending a not only religious but also national right. It starts with the prosopographical description of the Romanian MPs and their political affiliation, presented for each elective cycle of the given period. Under such circumstances - given the elective passivity that spread among the Romanians after and the lack of cohesion inside the national movement - the number of Romanian MPs regressed constantly, from 31 to 9 Keywords: Politics, Elective Representation, Parliament, Hungary, MPs, Electoral Geography Romanian historiography dwelled at length on the significance of year in the history of Romanians in Hungary and the creation of the first modern national parties in Transylvania and Banat1.

The participation and also lack of participation in the political life of Dualist Monarchy on the part of representatives of these parties was also discussed extensively; the topic generated thousands of works but their approach was rather rhetorical than thorough. Priority Axis 1. Education and training in support of economic growth and a knowledge-based society. Major Area of Intervention 1. Doctoral and postdoctoral programs in support of research.

Teodor V. No ethnically circumscribed list of Romanian MPs in the Hungarian Parliament is available to the present state of research. This ample work, though bibliographically outdated, remains an essential tool for those researching political life in Austria-Hungary.

Yet A. Their nationality can be identified in the prosopographic table, where most of them feature with both Romanian and Hungarian onomastic forms. Gabriella Ilonszky4 extended A. In her latest book, Ilonszky offers an exhaustive database including all MPs in the Hungarian Parliament from until nowadays; she also gives complex data on elective statistics and dynamics. Though focusing on the post- dualist period, this work makes available for researchers the amplest tool for the analysis of the Romanian political elite in Hungary between and , surpassing through size and methodology all similar initiatives from Romania in the field of political elite collective biography.

Despite their qualities, the above-mentioned works do not guarantee infallible information. For example, A. I, 2nd edition, Sibiu, Tipografia Iosif Marschall, ; vol. Oldenbourg Verlag, In his turn, D. Starting from these pre-requisites, our research aims at recreating from a prosopographical perspective a less researched elite group, i.

Historians focused so far on representatives of the national parties in Transylvania and Banat, usually presenting them in a favourable light, while most of their co-nationals entering the Diet on the lists of Hungarian parties were undeservingly forgotten. When their strong and influential personalities did bring them to the attention of biographers, the nature of the platform they candidated with was neglected or minimized. There are no studies in Romanian historiography focusing on this topic, only tangential mentions and brief biographic references.

We will thus start with a scholastic and rigid but most necessary presentation of each electoral cycle, continuing with an overview analysis of the period between and that will allow us to formulate primary conclusions on this elite group and its presence in the political life of Hungary.

A number of supplementary details can be found in the Annexes table 1 and 2. Such details are not discussed in the main text in order to prevent it from becoming overloaded. We believe that we managed to recreate the full picture of Romanian MPs in Budapest between and , and even if other such MPs will be identified by future studies, their small number cannot modify the general conclusions of the present research.

Despite the fact that Romanian MPs had been present in Budapest before11, the electoral cycle was the first in the history of dualist Hungary to include representatives of Romanian national parties. In fact, the entire period between and was special for the political life of Romanians in Hungary, starting with the foundation of national parties and ending with a major crisis that disintegrated the organizing structures of the national movement and left the parliamentarians elected on the lists of Hungarian parties as the only representatives of the nation.

It is for these reasons that we selected this period as focus of the present analysis, since the elective dynamics of the Romanian national MPs held a key role in the understanding of the general trends of parliamentary representation of Romanians in Hungary. The dynamics of elective representation according to parliamentary cycles 31 Romanian MPs were elected in the Parliament of Budapest for the elective cycle, among whom 17 held full mandates, 12 partial mandates, while 2 failed to appear for their confirmation Toth, op.

The situation differed in those colleges where elections were held in order to fill in vacant positions: MPs representing the same party were selected in two cases DP and RNPB , while in a third case DP lost its mandate in favour of CLP. Over the elective cycle, a number of 25 Romanian MPs were elected in the Parliament of Budapest, among whom 17 held full mandates, 7 had partial mandates and 1 failed to appear VI, p.

The Party also went through reorganizing phases and name changes, but the two Romanian MPs who candidated on its lists Mircea B. Romanians took part in the filling of vacant positions in a single elective college, managing to preserve the RNPB mandate in Radna. The latter was replaced by Ioan Balomiri, who took part for ca. Hungary went through an administrative reform in , with the result that some old units disappeared while others were reorganized or given new names Romanian historiography lacks studies on the effects of this reorganization of the elective geography in the areas inhabited by the Romanians.

Despite the fact that the basic units - the colleges - remained largely the same23, a detailed study on the redistribution of people with the right to vote in Transylvania and the Western Parts as a result of the administrative reform of is still needed.

Iuliu Petricu and George Szerb. George Ivacicovici died shortly after the elections, Atanasiu Racz did not finish his mandate and George Ioanovici only started his in the autumn of He returned to the platform of RNPT after entering the Parliament on the lists of the governmental party Ioan Misici died during his mandate. Atanasiu Racz was elected, for a few months, towards the end of the cycle VI, pp. VII, pp. VII, p. Ilonszki, op. Atanasiu Racz died in , while Traian Doda and Mihail Popovici failed to appear in order to confirm their election.

We have presented the overall attendance of Romanian MPs in the Parliament from Budapest, according to elective cycles, between and Even from this simple and dry presentation, one can observe some of the major trends of that period, such as the dominance of the governmental parties and the constant regress of MPs elected on the basis of their national program until their complete disappearance after Over the following paragraphs, we will attempt to analyze this period in its entirety, detailing and refining the previous general observations.

General development during the period between and 62 Romanian MPs were present in the Hungarian Parliament between and , sharing a number of mandates. Among these, 82 were full mandates, while the other 41 were interrupted or taken by others. Among the latter, in 8 cases the candidates failed to appear and in 6 cases death prevented the respective MPs to finish their mandates. It is difficult to analyze the geographic-elective representation due to the changes triggered by the administrative reform of Graph no.

Mandates from the colleges included in such units were given to the counties to which they were annexed after the reform. The county of Zarand is special due to the fact that 3 of the 22 mandates from Arad came from there. Historical Transylvania totals 12 mandates 9.

Distribution of mandates held by Romanian MPs according to administrative and territorial units. The elective geography can be explained, at first glance, by the tactics adopted by the Romanian parties: activism in Banat and passivism in Transylvania. The significant difference between the governmental Romanian MPs elected in the Western Parts and those in historical Transylvania is yet to be interpreted.

Another possible explanation, even a plausible one, is the emergence in Transylvania of financially powerful Hungarian parliamentary elite that few of the Romanian candidates for the Diet could rival. Romanian MPs represented 15 political formations and groups between and This taxonomy differs from the classical one created by A. This does not mean we reject his analytical model; on the contrary, we acknowledge its merits and believe it fits his approach on the scale of entire Hungary perfectly.

But the much more focused topic of our study and the present state of research almost nothing is known on the actual doctrinal position of several Romanian MPs determine us to use, for the time being, a less detailed delimitation among parliamentary parties in Hungary, even with the risk of assuming ethnocentric tendencies.

In the future, if the topic will grow and the state of research will allow it, we are certain researchers will also pay attention to the needed differentiations among Romanian MPs in the ranks of the Hungarian opposition. Tendency I slightly decreased in and then remained stable until , when the number of Romanian governmental MPs started to decrease again, significantly. The causes of this regress relates to a complex of both natural and ideological factors.

We would be tempted to say that governmental parties felt less and less attracted, over a couple of decades, by the idea of promoting Romanian MPs as the internal situation stabilized after the Ausgleich and the Magyarization policy gained momentum. The fact is possible, but no documents support this explicitly. There are nevertheless documents attesting the fact that some of the Romanian MPs were attracted into bureaucratic structures, occupying more secure positions that were sometimes also financially more profitable.

The following were in such a situation between and M. Romanul appointed school inspector, he went on to become bishop and metropolitan 30, A. Popovici appointed court chairman 32 and G. Between and V. Petricu and V. Hoszu were appointed college judges The case of G. After the 29 Adalbert Toth, op. Development of political tendencies among the Romanian MPs Tendency I Tendency II Tendency III Total 40 30 20 10 0 MPs movements from administration to Parliament continued during the 80s, probably according to the local strategies of the government and the desire for self-accomplishment of those involved.

Simonescu, former vice-comes in Lugoj. Another Romanian, A. By the time he was elected member of the Parliament in , C-tin Gurban was arch-priest of Buteni and temporary director of the Theological and Pedagogical Institute in Ara37, thus clerk in the autonomous administration of the Orthodox Church. In the same manner, in , P. Vuia promoted from college proprietor to MP As one can note, there were several cases of Romanian MPs migrating to-and-from Parliament and bureaucracy either of the state or the church between and It is possible that this also triggered a decrease in the total number of Romanian governmental candidates who preferred safer and less turbulent positions.

The fact that in at least one 35 Ibidem, vol. Anonymous manuscript, probably written by T. As possible explanation for this phenomenon, we note that administration work was much easier and on the long run more profitable; since major investments were no longer needed during election periods, pensions were ensured and any high clerk was able to directly support the promotion of a number of people who were close to him or were members of his family in the lower ranks of administration. Not least, the boom of Hungarian bureaucracy after certainly created an attractive context for the Romanian elite, diminishing the political leaning of those who wished to enjoy certain prosperity without major financial efforts.

The fact that migration took place in both directions reflects the complex motivation that determined such behaviour and the need to study it at an individual level in order to reach fully acceptable explanations. Turning to the causes of the decrease in the number of governmental Romanian MPs, one must mention that throughout the period under analysis, out of the 6 who died during their mandate, 5 were governmental and 3 died after , thus naturally reducing the number of Romanians in the Parliament.

Paradoxically, political migration rather had a negative impact on the government parties, as we will subsequently show. Not least, the legislative actions of the Tisza government against the nationalities42 seem to have undermined the support of a pro-government inclination among the Romanians. The failed attempts of and indicate the impossibility of maintaining a moderate Romanian party.

The unification of Romanian national parties44 and the relative solidarity that characterized the period between and contributed to their rejection of collaborating with the government. Taking into consideration this complex system of factors and the descending trend between and , T.

Ever since , Romanian correspondents noted the violent clashes during the elections, especially in Hungary and less in Transylvania Even if this fragment, belonging to T. We cannot end the analysis on TI without discussing political migration. Bogdan chose to join the RWO, while A.

Popescu supported the RNPB during the few remaining months of his mandate. Over the elective cycle, MP I. In , P. The same is true for G. During the same year, N. A total of 6 Romanian MPs left the governmental camp between and Only 3 of them were attracted by the LP, none during the elective cycles but on the occasion of elections: D.

The report on political migration is thus negative for TI: twice the number of Romanian MPs left the governmental camp than the number of those whom it attracted from other formations. The motivation behind such migrations was probably a mix between personal and doctrine- related elements, difficult to grasp since the biographies of the large majority of Romanian governmental members of the Parliament have not been written.

We can suspect that N. Such data is available in the case of Al. Roman who joined the governmental camp in the context of certain incompatibilities between his status as university professor and as MP; the Tisza government agreed to accept such incompatibilities in this particular case on the condition Al. Roman rallied to its platform, though the Romanian MP maintained, in some cases, his explicitly nationalist orientation and even stood up against the founding of the Romanian Moderate Party in Tendency II TII went through a fluctuating development over the period under discussion, reaching peaks of popularity during the intervals of and The first interval represents the years when DP disintegrated in the conditions created by corruption and the ascension of the CLP51, while the second marks the coalition of opposition forces against the Tisza government whose power preservation tactics grew increasingly stronger Analyzing graph 3, one can note that TII is not represented in historical Transylvania, except for the border regions Cehu Silvaniei college.

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The Romanian identity discourse outlines into a point where the confessional and political elements become thoroughly intertwined. At the end of the nineteenth century and given the political context, national identity is preserved with the joint effort of both ecclesiastical and political elites despite the differences. Although the secular spirit gains ground, the Church has undoubtedly its extremely important role in preserving and defending a, not only religious but also national right.

Keywords: National Identity, Confessional Identity, the Romanian Orthodox Church, the Romanian Greek Catholic Church Inside deeply religious frames, such as Transylvania, confession plays an important role in the effort to emphasize the identity phenomenon. For the Romanians, these two represented not only the frame of the spiritual life, but also the relationship with the Nation. Being Orthodox or Uniate meant… being Romanian.

Key moments such as the Revolution of , the liberal regime of the 60s', raising the rank of the dioceses to the one of Metropolitan See and implicitly the emancipation from the foreign jurisdiction, the establishment of the dualist regime, the project of the Hungarian Catholic autonomy seen as a real danger by the Greek Catholic Church provided a significant contribution to the identity discourse maturation.

The Revolution of would gradually change the concept about the identity discourse from mainly religious bases to those of a more lay nature. August Treboniu Laurian would advocate for the "Romanian law" against religious disunion 3.

National solidarity is what prevails. Although the authorities tried religious disunion by confirming meetings based only on religious criteria, the national assemblies gain ground. The political context of did not allow religious dissensions. Therefore, it called for a Romanian Church and a Romanian Metropolitan See, without specifying any details about being Uniate or Orthodox.

At The Metropolitan See appeared rather independent, both The Greek-Catholic Metropolitan See and The Orthodox Metropolitan See being part of it, but without mentioning, for example, which ecclesiastical forum it obeys 5. Over the years expressing a sense of affiliation to the throne played not an insignificant role. Romanians regarded the emperor as a Catholic, it is true, but Christian, while the idea of a supposed Hungarian emperor, Calvin, was denigrated. The powerful symbol of nationalism now said its word.

In fact, this was the most serious disagreement between intellectuals and ecclesiastical hierarchy. Intellectuals saw the religious disputes as the key of division. A society based on reason rather than superstition and mysticism 7. Moreover, the demand to improve the synodal institution is frequently found as a necessity to impose a democratic line in the life of both Orthodox and Uniate Churches.

The regular convening of the council is a rule of the Eastern Church9. The Synod was considered a collective organization, the only one able to certify issues related to Church Similarly, the desire of the Karlowitz hierarchy to impose in the school field would meet rather strong resistance from the secular elements The Revolution of represented the triumph of the modern idea of nation, a solidarity based upon the uniform ideology imperative in the national program.

The political leaders of the time understood it However, the bishops were recognized as leaders of the nation, they stood at the head of delegations, negotiated with the Hungarian government, signed memoranda and petitions on behalf of the people. The petitions and memoranda were drafted by representatives of both the religious sphere, e. In the petitions and memoranda advocating religious and political autonomy there were claims based on the same grounds.

Thus it is raised the noble origin of the people, the fidelity to the dynasty and, for example, the proof of loyalty to the emperor during military clashes in the revolution. The political and religious administration based on the national argument, the National Congress and the National Assembly are claims that were included in the petition to the emperor on 25 February In the Christmas pastoral , the loyalty to the throne is clearly expressed: "Today, every Romanian is proud and high-minded about his nation because he is a member of the nation pleasant to the other just and fair compatriot nations.

The values preached by the Church are to be followed by the nation. The Church respected the government policy and laws, but it was the duty of the authorities to respect its rights. Studii de imagologie, vol. Romanians in Transylvania in the Second Half of the Nineteenth Century engage in spiritual matters, except those related to economy and education.

The canon law was a matter depending on the clergy But the secular spirit began to gain ground even to some members of the Church. Differences in view occurred on the background of sending delegations to the National Conference, the program and its regulations, but also inconsistencies regarding the Diet of Requests for cooperation were renewed after the dissolution of the Diet in , when both metropolitans were advised to resume talks for a united front for the national problem The two Romanian Churches invoked their own identity trying to argue that political unity is not equal to the hierarchical order.

Subordination to the Karlowitz hierarchy is considered to be non- canonical. For each Church, the Metropolitan See is a historical truth. From here to the proselytizing accusations there is little. The competition between the Orthodox and the Uniate people appears to be open, especially given that the Greek Catholics are the first to profit by the Metropolitan See restoration. For the Uniate Church, this event is an extra opportunity to assert its strong connection with Rome, the center that maintains the links between religion and nation.

Between and , the Romanian metropolitans played a leading role in the national movement. However, after the dissolution of the Diet, the differences of opinion were obvious and the intellectuals decided to act by themselves in the autumn of The new religion was now nationalism, the one justifying the basic principles of society. The Orthodox Metropolitan was replaced being the president of Astra , and the National Church Congress held after raising to the rank of Metropolitan See of the Orthodox diocese have expressed a desire to have a stronger voice when it came to decide on Church matters.

Hierarchy would lose their influence more and more24, but the political system after brought together the laity and clergy to support the school and the Church as the two key elements of national identity. The Catholic autonomy is seen as a threat to the national and religious identity. The two parties: the Hungarians and the Romanians have different views not only about the religious principle but also the national one.

If the term schismatic had been so far applied to the religious disputes between the Orthodox and the Greek-Catholics, Hungarians are now those who called both the Uniate and the Orthodox, schismatics. Magyarization entered on the fields belonging to the Church and this was inconceivable.

The Florentin Council, the Union with Rome, the establishment of Metropolitan Sees, the law of , are arguments that come to strengthen their own identity. Rome is seen not only as the center of the faith but also of the nation. Against Hungarian, the Romanian language is viewed as a mean of preserving the individuality. At that time, National Congresses convened by the political elite stressed the special connection between the Church and Nation. The desire for a Uniate Church joint synod reunion remains a mark of individuality of this Church.

Since , in the context of new policy measures, confessionalism earns a political tinge too. A clearer separation of the religious and political issues will be achieved in the moment the political parties had established. The assembly in Miercurea Ciuc, assembly held without the participation of bishops declared itself against activism. After the installation of Ioan Vancea in the Metropolitan See, there was an attempt to persuade the two Metropolitans in terms of cooperation. The Committee of Sibiu, in memory of the past and national solidarity, addressed to Sibiu and Blaj to this effect.

But the different visions of the two Metropolitans said their word again Therefore, those who expressed their willingness to actively participate in the life of the Church supported Timotei Cipariu as a candidate. The Metropolitan Miron Romanul involved in politics. He founded the Constitutional or Moderate Party, criticized the policy pursued by the National Party, the passivism promoted by the latter, as National Party members, in turn, blamed him for not sufficiently supporting the political struggle.

In , he advised the Romanians not to participate in celebrations dedicated to the Millennium of the of the Hungarian State foundation In , the same Metropolitan protested against introducing Hungarian language in secondary schools and the establishment of kindergardens in Hungarian But they have not appeared together in Vienna.

Vasile Mangra participated in the political life in Arad and was a former Member of Parliament in Budapest in the government led by Tisza. The importance of the memorandum is underlined by Mangra at a meeting which he convened in front of a cathedral in Arad.

The liberal era enabled many Romanians to access to public functions. This, along with the increasing number of intellectuals and the growing importance of the press has helped to crystallize a political elite that, by its connections to Vienna and Budapest facilitated the process of secularization In one of the circulars, Bishop Ioan Alexi speaking about the importance of secular and sacred functions condemned the participation of the priests in the political actions Controversies appeared in the educational field too: mixed schools, object of dissension between the two Churches seen as a possible attempt against identity through the religious proselytism.

Then, the divisions between clergy and laity, the latter being against the participation of the clergy in the matter of education. Romanians in Transylvania in the Second Half of the Nineteenth Century particularly to solve the material issues For the intellectuals, school must be a modern environment dominated by the secular spirit.

But the dualist era established a different role for school. Loyal citizens had to be good Hungarians too and the government in Budapest made a target of its policy out of this matter National identity is seen from different angles by the two Romanian Churches. Through the connection with Latin, with the Catholic universalism, the Uniate Church is directed towards progress, while, under the auspices of Byzantium by the twinning with the Greeks and Slavs, the Orthodox Church is doomed to decay.

Not only the Orthodox Church in Transylvania but also the Romanian Kingdom is accused of serving the interests of the state exclusively, promoting itself according to the state policy Both Churches, therefore, accuse each other at the expense of denationalization. In the disputes between the two Churches, the alphabet problem remained an important religious and national identity matter.

The Latin alphabet was supported by the promoters of the Union, an argument in favor of people with Latin names and roots. But the letters were considered a characteristic of the Eastern heritage Solidarity is stated in some issues as was the resistance to the laws considered by the Wekerle Government , but not in the national liberation movement of Romanians Romanians in Transylvania in the Second Half of the Nineteenth Century But this religious solidarity with the Hungarians brings huge reproaches from the Orthodox.

The national paradigm gains ground at the expense of religion. Religious rivalries culminated on the educational realm too, even in villages where we could barely maintain an educational institution, both confessions urging their own school The relationship between the two faiths was not infrequently affected, in part because of the fact that each church 46 Ibidem, p.

The Uniates build a rather defensive identity discourse, while the Orthodox consider that they have nothing to defend, their confession descending along with the nation. It is undisputed that the two Romanian Churches, engaged in the struggle to preserve national identity, and gradually from a church autonomy they have evolved into a political one.

We are dealing with the nationalization of confession, with emphasis on the national character The ability to elaborate their own image, the Romanian identity discourse reveals into a point where the confessional and political elements become thoroughly intertwined.

Church involvement in the political realm was also shown in supporting the election method for candidates for the Diet and for the National Church conventions, or synods held every three years. In the late nineteenth century, we confront with a decrease illiteracy rate. On the other hand the number of trained is continuously growing, cultural associations and societies are multiplying in villages, priests in turn propagate nationalistic ideas after with increasing fervor For the two Romanian Churches, the identity discourse was formulated around the basic elements such as faith, ritual, and contribution to national history, tradition, national consciousness.

Tradition and ritual were important pillars. The efforts of the two Romanian Churches were highlighted in the struggle for autonomy, both religious, but which takes a national affiliation with the appeal to history. The identity discourse was promoted both by the ecclesiastical elites then hierarchically towards the clergy and social strata , and the new political class increasingly consistent. There were certainly controversies and differences between clergy and laity, different ways of understanding the role of the Church in building the national identity.

The political elite saw the Church as a national institution and it should not be forgotten that many ministers of the Church shared as citizens the ideology of a party or another The regime promoted by Budapest led the priests to get involved in politics to protect the interests of the Church. At the end of the nineteenth century and given the political context, the national identity is preserved with the joint effort of both ecclesiastical and political elites Secular spirit would influence ever more.

Although they had their sacred symbols, the National Assembly provides a good example. While nationalism warned by its power a multinational Habsburg empire, the myth of the good emperor loses importance. Now the nations claimed self- determination. Church saw the confession as the element which defended the national consciousness over time. Political elites saw things from another angle. The Church autonomy gradually moved to political autonomy. The Church pastors and politicians combined their efforts to this effect.

Differences of opinion between the clergy and political elite, and differences between the representatives of the two Romanian Churches. However, the common front was strengthened when national interest demanded it. The policy of Budapest after gathered together the clergy and laity to support the school and 56 Sorin Mitu, op.

Dobra, Lugoj, s. Politicians increasingly involved in church life and part of the ecclesiastical elite increasingly took part in politics Miron Romanul, Vasile Mangra, etc. A society inside which illiteracy is declining, the cultural associations in the traditional village became increases, secular spirit gains ground.

It's a new force, a new religion, the one of nationalism, which defends its rights. It is spread by a group of intellectuals who defend national identity, sometimes separately or together with the ecclesiastical elite. But the latter, had undoubtedly its extremely important role in preserving and defending a not only religious but also national right. It starts with the prosopographical description of the Romanian MPs and their political affiliation, presented for each elective cycle of the given period.

Under such circumstances - given the elective passivity that spread among the Romanians after and the lack of cohesion inside the national movement - the number of Romanian MPs regressed constantly, from 31 to 9 Keywords: Politics, Elective Representation, Parliament, Hungary, MPs, Electoral Geography Romanian historiography dwelled at length on the significance of year in the history of Romanians in Hungary and the creation of the first modern national parties in Transylvania and Banat1.

The participation and also lack of participation in the political life of Dualist Monarchy on the part of representatives of these parties was also discussed extensively; the topic generated thousands of works but their approach was rather rhetorical than thorough.

Priority Axis 1. Education and training in support of economic growth and a knowledge-based society. Major Area of Intervention 1. Doctoral and postdoctoral programs in support of research. Teodor V. No ethnically circumscribed list of Romanian MPs in the Hungarian Parliament is available to the present state of research. This ample work, though bibliographically outdated, remains an essential tool for those researching political life in Austria-Hungary. Yet A.

Their nationality can be identified in the prosopographic table, where most of them feature with both Romanian and Hungarian onomastic forms. Gabriella Ilonszky4 extended A. In her latest book, Ilonszky offers an exhaustive database including all MPs in the Hungarian Parliament from until nowadays; she also gives complex data on elective statistics and dynamics. Though focusing on the post- dualist period, this work makes available for researchers the amplest tool for the analysis of the Romanian political elite in Hungary between and , surpassing through size and methodology all similar initiatives from Romania in the field of political elite collective biography.

Despite their qualities, the above-mentioned works do not guarantee infallible information. For example, A. I, 2nd edition, Sibiu, Tipografia Iosif Marschall, ; vol. Oldenbourg Verlag, In his turn, D. Starting from these pre-requisites, our research aims at recreating from a prosopographical perspective a less researched elite group, i.

Historians focused so far on representatives of the national parties in Transylvania and Banat, usually presenting them in a favourable light, while most of their co-nationals entering the Diet on the lists of Hungarian parties were undeservingly forgotten. When their strong and influential personalities did bring them to the attention of biographers, the nature of the platform they candidated with was neglected or minimized.

There are no studies in Romanian historiography focusing on this topic, only tangential mentions and brief biographic references. We will thus start with a scholastic and rigid but most necessary presentation of each electoral cycle, continuing with an overview analysis of the period between and that will allow us to formulate primary conclusions on this elite group and its presence in the political life of Hungary.

A number of supplementary details can be found in the Annexes table 1 and 2. Such details are not discussed in the main text in order to prevent it from becoming overloaded. We believe that we managed to recreate the full picture of Romanian MPs in Budapest between and , and even if other such MPs will be identified by future studies, their small number cannot modify the general conclusions of the present research.

Despite the fact that Romanian MPs had been present in Budapest before11, the electoral cycle was the first in the history of dualist Hungary to include representatives of Romanian national parties. In fact, the entire period between and was special for the political life of Romanians in Hungary, starting with the foundation of national parties and ending with a major crisis that disintegrated the organizing structures of the national movement and left the parliamentarians elected on the lists of Hungarian parties as the only representatives of the nation.

It is for these reasons that we selected this period as focus of the present analysis, since the elective dynamics of the Romanian national MPs held a key role in the understanding of the general trends of parliamentary representation of Romanians in Hungary.

The dynamics of elective representation according to parliamentary cycles 31 Romanian MPs were elected in the Parliament of Budapest for the elective cycle, among whom 17 held full mandates, 12 partial mandates, while 2 failed to appear for their confirmation Toth, op.

The situation differed in those colleges where elections were held in order to fill in vacant positions: MPs representing the same party were selected in two cases DP and RNPB , while in a third case DP lost its mandate in favour of CLP. Over the elective cycle, a number of 25 Romanian MPs were elected in the Parliament of Budapest, among whom 17 held full mandates, 7 had partial mandates and 1 failed to appear VI, p.

The Party also went through reorganizing phases and name changes, but the two Romanian MPs who candidated on its lists Mircea B. Romanians took part in the filling of vacant positions in a single elective college, managing to preserve the RNPB mandate in Radna.

The latter was replaced by Ioan Balomiri, who took part for ca. Hungary went through an administrative reform in , with the result that some old units disappeared while others were reorganized or given new names Romanian historiography lacks studies on the effects of this reorganization of the elective geography in the areas inhabited by the Romanians.

Despite the fact that the basic units - the colleges - remained largely the same23, a detailed study on the redistribution of people with the right to vote in Transylvania and the Western Parts as a result of the administrative reform of is still needed.

Iuliu Petricu and George Szerb. George Ivacicovici died shortly after the elections, Atanasiu Racz did not finish his mandate and George Ioanovici only started his in the autumn of He returned to the platform of RNPT after entering the Parliament on the lists of the governmental party Ioan Misici died during his mandate. Atanasiu Racz was elected, for a few months, towards the end of the cycle VI, pp. VII, pp. VII, p. Ilonszki, op. Atanasiu Racz died in , while Traian Doda and Mihail Popovici failed to appear in order to confirm their election.

We have presented the overall attendance of Romanian MPs in the Parliament from Budapest, according to elective cycles, between and Even from this simple and dry presentation, one can observe some of the major trends of that period, such as the dominance of the governmental parties and the constant regress of MPs elected on the basis of their national program until their complete disappearance after Over the following paragraphs, we will attempt to analyze this period in its entirety, detailing and refining the previous general observations.

General development during the period between and 62 Romanian MPs were present in the Hungarian Parliament between and , sharing a number of mandates. Among these, 82 were full mandates, while the other 41 were interrupted or taken by others. Among the latter, in 8 cases the candidates failed to appear and in 6 cases death prevented the respective MPs to finish their mandates. It is difficult to analyze the geographic-elective representation due to the changes triggered by the administrative reform of Graph no.

Mandates from the colleges included in such units were given to the counties to which they were annexed after the reform. The county of Zarand is special due to the fact that 3 of the 22 mandates from Arad came from there. Historical Transylvania totals 12 mandates 9. Distribution of mandates held by Romanian MPs according to administrative and territorial units. The elective geography can be explained, at first glance, by the tactics adopted by the Romanian parties: activism in Banat and passivism in Transylvania.

The significant difference between the governmental Romanian MPs elected in the Western Parts and those in historical Transylvania is yet to be interpreted. Another possible explanation, even a plausible one, is the emergence in Transylvania of financially powerful Hungarian parliamentary elite that few of the Romanian candidates for the Diet could rival. Romanian MPs represented 15 political formations and groups between and This taxonomy differs from the classical one created by A.

This does not mean we reject his analytical model; on the contrary, we acknowledge its merits and believe it fits his approach on the scale of entire Hungary perfectly. But the much more focused topic of our study and the present state of research almost nothing is known on the actual doctrinal position of several Romanian MPs determine us to use, for the time being, a less detailed delimitation among parliamentary parties in Hungary, even with the risk of assuming ethnocentric tendencies.

In the future, if the topic will grow and the state of research will allow it, we are certain researchers will also pay attention to the needed differentiations among Romanian MPs in the ranks of the Hungarian opposition. Tendency I slightly decreased in and then remained stable until , when the number of Romanian governmental MPs started to decrease again, significantly.

The causes of this regress relates to a complex of both natural and ideological factors. We would be tempted to say that governmental parties felt less and less attracted, over a couple of decades, by the idea of promoting Romanian MPs as the internal situation stabilized after the Ausgleich and the Magyarization policy gained momentum. The fact is possible, but no documents support this explicitly. There are nevertheless documents attesting the fact that some of the Romanian MPs were attracted into bureaucratic structures, occupying more secure positions that were sometimes also financially more profitable.

The following were in such a situation between and M. Romanul appointed school inspector, he went on to become bishop and metropolitan 30, A. Popovici appointed court chairman 32 and G. Between and V. Petricu and V. Hoszu were appointed college judges The case of G. After the 29 Adalbert Toth, op. Development of political tendencies among the Romanian MPs Tendency I Tendency II Tendency III Total 40 30 20 10 0 MPs movements from administration to Parliament continued during the 80s, probably according to the local strategies of the government and the desire for self-accomplishment of those involved.

Simonescu, former vice-comes in Lugoj. Another Romanian, A. By the time he was elected member of the Parliament in , C-tin Gurban was arch-priest of Buteni and temporary director of the Theological and Pedagogical Institute in Ara37, thus clerk in the autonomous administration of the Orthodox Church. In the same manner, in , P. Vuia promoted from college proprietor to MP As one can note, there were several cases of Romanian MPs migrating to-and-from Parliament and bureaucracy either of the state or the church between and It is possible that this also triggered a decrease in the total number of Romanian governmental candidates who preferred safer and less turbulent positions.

The fact that in at least one 35 Ibidem, vol. Anonymous manuscript, probably written by T. As possible explanation for this phenomenon, we note that administration work was much easier and on the long run more profitable; since major investments were no longer needed during election periods, pensions were ensured and any high clerk was able to directly support the promotion of a number of people who were close to him or were members of his family in the lower ranks of administration.

Not least, the boom of Hungarian bureaucracy after certainly created an attractive context for the Romanian elite, diminishing the political leaning of those who wished to enjoy certain prosperity without major financial efforts. The fact that migration took place in both directions reflects the complex motivation that determined such behaviour and the need to study it at an individual level in order to reach fully acceptable explanations. Turning to the causes of the decrease in the number of governmental Romanian MPs, one must mention that throughout the period under analysis, out of the 6 who died during their mandate, 5 were governmental and 3 died after , thus naturally reducing the number of Romanians in the Parliament.

Paradoxically, political migration rather had a negative impact on the government parties, as we will subsequently show. Not least, the legislative actions of the Tisza government against the nationalities42 seem to have undermined the support of a pro-government inclination among the Romanians. The failed attempts of and indicate the impossibility of maintaining a moderate Romanian party. The unification of Romanian national parties44 and the relative solidarity that characterized the period between and contributed to their rejection of collaborating with the government.

Taking into consideration this complex system of factors and the descending trend between and , T. Ever since , Romanian correspondents noted the violent clashes during the elections, especially in Hungary and less in Transylvania Even if this fragment, belonging to T. We cannot end the analysis on TI without discussing political migration.

Bogdan chose to join the RWO, while A. Popescu supported the RNPB during the few remaining months of his mandate. Over the elective cycle, MP I. In , P. The same is true for G. During the same year, N. A total of 6 Romanian MPs left the governmental camp between and Only 3 of them were attracted by the LP, none during the elective cycles but on the occasion of elections: D.

The report on political migration is thus negative for TI: twice the number of Romanian MPs left the governmental camp than the number of those whom it attracted from other formations. The motivation behind such migrations was probably a mix between personal and doctrine- related elements, difficult to grasp since the biographies of the large majority of Romanian governmental members of the Parliament have not been written.

We can suspect that N. Such data is available in the case of Al. Roman who joined the governmental camp in the context of certain incompatibilities between his status as university professor and as MP; the Tisza government agreed to accept such incompatibilities in this particular case on the condition Al. Roman rallied to its platform, though the Romanian MP maintained, in some cases, his explicitly nationalist orientation and even stood up against the founding of the Romanian Moderate Party in Tendency II TII went through a fluctuating development over the period under discussion, reaching peaks of popularity during the intervals of and The first interval represents the years when DP disintegrated in the conditions created by corruption and the ascension of the CLP51, while the second marks the coalition of opposition forces against the Tisza government whose power preservation tactics grew increasingly stronger Analyzing graph 3, one can note that TII is not represented in historical Transylvania, except for the border regions Cehu Silvaniei college.

One must not forget that among the 12 Hungarian opposition mandates, 2 were won on the lists of the CLP and transferred to the LP in , thus changing tendency. Among the Romanian MPs of explicitly opposition orientation one can mention M. Though such negotiations failed at top level, the persistence of personal ties, and the need for allies against the ascension 49 Teodor V.

Better-known Romanian MPs who chose to candidate on the lists of Hungarian opposition parties were, or seem to have been, nationalists and probably preferred this solution for elective tactical reasons financial support, ensuring the majority etc. The next descending phase, in , can be explained by the lack of unity that characterized the RNPB, in the context of previous failures but also as a side effect of the coalition of the LP. Not even a single central elective conference was held in and members were allowed to proceed at will, most local branches choosing the path of passivism It was the elective tactics of the Tisza government and not the elective legislation that lay at the core of the total regress marking the post-Memorandum decade; the decrease in number of the Romanian nationalist MPs correspondes to the general regress of the entire opposition in Hungary.

One must not forget the hybrid platform of the RNP that maintained the duality of the elective tactics for Banat and Transylvania, thus preventing unity of action either in the direction of activism or passivism and implicitly diminishing the force of its candidates. Conclusions The fourth indicator in graph 2 the general development of the number of Romanian MPs - marked in violet needs no deeper analysis in context of the increasingly lower representation of Romanians in all three political tendencies.

One can nevertheless note the steep descending development of this indicator, only interrupted by the slight increase in mentioned above. Milin, op. Over two decades, under the balanced influence of political, ideological and natural factors, the number of Romanian MPs in the Hungarian Parliament decreased constantly, independent of the elective platform they candidated with. Many of those willing to collaborate with the government stepped down during the s to enter bureaucracy and occupy more stable and less demanding positions.

The other activists, supporters of the national program or of the opposition, faced the elective tactics meant to ensure for the government majority in the Chamber. In Transylvania, the debate between activists and passivists paralyzed all significant elective initiatives.

The election of Romanian candidates was usually followed by their not confirming of these mandates. The administrative units conferring the largest number of Romanian mandates were located, as expected, in the territory west of the Carpathians. Among these, 59 belonged to governmental parties, 30 to national parties and 8 to Hungarian opposition parties. Nationalist MPs were obviously never as numerous as governmental ones.

The fact that many of the latter seemed to stand on rather national and governmental positions in the Diet is equally true. But studies on the parliamentary activity of Romanians in Budapest during this period are either related to biographical reconsiderations or significant moments in the national struggle, almost completely ignoring what we might call the history of parliamentary life.

The latter issue thus remains as many others, undecided. In such conditions, beyond the general character of the conclusions in this study, we are left to signal the need for future deeper analyses of aspects related to the elective implication of Romanians in Hungary and the parliamentary activity of Romanian MPs in Budapest, as a needed segment of the history of the national movement and that of Romanian political elites.

Distribution of mandates and parties according to elective colleges Ad T m. So as in came the time for "declassification" of the moment , celebrating for the first time, after half of century, the unification of Transylvania with Romania in the terms and conditions imposed by the regime, the year meant the celebration with pomp of years of independence. The present study tries to capture the concrete relationships associated with the censorship which accompanied this phenomenon. All these riots and wars were backed by Russia, which aspired to achieve the hegemony in the area.

Under the circumstances, the only way of achieving its goal was the military one. The Romanians responded by bombing Vidin. Romania expressed its intention to participate to the Russo-Turkish war through the voice of its Prime Minister, I. Carol I accepted becoming commander of the Romanian-Russian troops at Plevna. On November 14th , Dobrogea became a Romanian territory. A century later, under the conditions of a Communist regime where censorship was at home, Romania was free to celebrate years of independence in the context of a highly selective redeeming atmosphere of its historic past and only on segments that were useful to the interests of the Communist regime.

A veritable avalanche of moments dedicated to the event appeared on the Romanian landscape, from artistic, cultural, film shows movies and television series with this subject , to symposiums, scientific sessions and exhibitions in museums. Historiographical works were assigned a special place in order to mark the moment. The smooth running of the affairs in this respect was supervised by the Committee for Press and Publications, the descendent of the General Directorate of Press and Publications, the main institution of the Communist censorship after the installing of the Communist regime in Romania.

Before , the censorship body was represented by the Directorate of Press and Publications which was operating within the Ministry of Arts and Information. Representative commissions2 also activated in the territory. The institution was directly subordinated to the Central Committee of the Communist Party and to the Council of Ministers3.

A Decree of ordered the establishment of the Committee for Press and Publications, which was later dissolved in That is why the dissolution of the institution at the Plenary of the Central Committee of the Romanian Communist Party of June th did not mean the practical abolition of censorship in Romania. Thus, as shown in the data provided by the Committee for Press and Publications, the supreme body of censorship, Romanian historians and censors attempted and succeeded to perform a true expediency in order to be able to write about this event so that the Soviet Union be spared of any considerations that were inadequate to its address.

At the same time, in the context of a totalitarian regime controlled by the political leader in Bucharest and of the increasingly evident impoverishment of the population together with other unpopular measures such as the systematization of villages, the appeal to the national feeling was one of the few possibilities of the regime to preserve some popular adherence. Giurescu coord. To achieve this purpose, each scientific paper, be it a newspaper article, a specialized study, or a book on the events of the years was carefully assessed by the censorship before passing the proof for press.

Not even those considered as very confident by the regime escaped the ordeal of the Committee for Press and Publications. Ion Coman. Giurescu, General Major Dr. Constantin Olteanu, col. Gheorghe Savu, General Major C. Antip and General Major Dr. Eugen Bantea. The article had been given for publication in journal number 7 from , but it passed the proof for press just on February 1st and only after a series of interventions brought to the text.

Thus, a number of sentences on the territorial exchanges discussed during the diplomatic negotiations of were reformulated. There were phrases such as: annexation, taking over, stealing, occupancy, restitution of the counties in Southern Bessarabia to the Tsarist Russia12, avoiding possible historiographical or even political disputes on the subject. However, such formulations were accepted in quotes from the time documents or memorialistic works.

At the same time, V. Urechia, G. Misail, N. Ionescu, P. Carp, Em. Costache Epureanu, Dimitrie A. Sturdza or C. The message was sent with all the imposed reformulations to the text, but the authorities in Bucharest adopted a neutral position since only the documents and the memoirs of the time talked about the loss of a part of Bessarabia to the Tsarist Russia, territories belonging to the USSR even at the moment when the article was published.

The monograph was issued, as specified in the same preamble, under the aegis of the Academy of Social and Political Sciences, Centre of Historical Studies and Research and Military Theory, Ministry of Foreign Affairs and General Directorate of the State Archives, and included 31 studies on gaining our state independence. Although it appeared under the aegis of these institutions of the totalitarian regime, the work needed the approval of the Committee for Press and Publications.

Perhaps that is why the approval, covering more than four pages, had to be given following a very careful examination of the material. References to the actions of the Romanians from Bessarabia for unity and independence lay several lines below. The approval note insisted mainly on two studies in the volume. Both studies were considered models to be followed by those who would deal in the future with this theme and not an issue that was meant to become a subject to censorship, 15 Ibidem, f.

The note referred to the fact that the author insisted, based on a comprehensive research, on the intense activity carried out by Romania on diplomatic channels for the recognition of its independence and for the defence of its territorial integrity The reference was clear to the loss of Southern Bessarabia in exchange for Dobrogea and to the fact that the Chamber of Deputies of that time did not agree with this.

In the same thematic trend, the censor mentioned that Vasile Maciu insisted on several pages on the provisions referring to Romania at the preliminaries of peace between Russia and the Ottoman Empire that were signed at San Stefano including those referring to the territorial exchange , the author showing, according to the censor, that these provisions imposed Romania the loss of a part of its territory Southern Bessarabia in exchange for another territory, which was also Romanian and which was inhabited mostly by Romanians Dobrogea.

Since from an ideological point of view, the two were the most authorized voices of the Romanian historiography at the time, the censor mentioned only some aspects that seemed to be susceptible. Finally, the censor showed concerns about the fact that the idea of the union of Bessarabia to Romania appeared in too many places as a result of the free will expressed by the popular masses of this province, under the right to self-determination.

Taking into account the names involved and the institutions under the aegis of which the volume appeared, the censor limited himself to say that such sensitive issues presented in the two studies were well-documented and therefore could not be confuted. Several similar works meant to celebrate the events of were carefully screened by the Communist censorship In absolutely all of them, censors proved to be very careful in the references to Tsarist 23 Ibidem.

In fact, these are, with few exceptions, the only issues raised by the censorship, showing a great concern to protect the Soviet Union. This last assertion was very interesting and exciting for the historian of that time and of the present having in view the fact that the same phenomena repeated with the same players at the end of World War II. The same censors, however, were very harsh with Prince Carol who, in their opinion, was presented in positive colours in too many places. These assertions were considered totally inappropriate, therefore they proposed their disposal from the texts presented in the volume.

Although, at least theoretically, the Ottoman Empire had to be blasphemed since not only then but also in the present it belonged to enemy camp, this did not happen, at least in the case of the present volume. They were all carefully censored by the Committee for Press and Publications until its dissolution at the Plenary of the Central Committee of the Romanian Communist Party of June th , occasion on which it was pompously announced that censorship had been abolished in Romania.

The fact is that censorship became harsher and more restrictive. The cautious Kokovtsov was very able and a supporter of the Tsar, but he could not compete with the powerful court factions that dominated the government.

Historians have debated whether Russia had the potential to develop a constitutional government between and The failure to do so was partly because the Tsar was not willing to give up autocratic rule or share power. By manipulating the franchise, the Government obtained progressively more conservative, but less representative, Dumas.

Moreover, the regime sometimes bypassed the conservative Dumas and ruled by decree. During this period, the Government's policies waivered from reformist to repressive. But court politics, together with the continuing isolation of the Tsar and the bureaucracy from the rest of society, hampered all reforms.

Suspensions of civil liberties and the rule of law continued in many places, and neither workers nor the Orthodox Church had the right to organize themselves as they chose. In entrambi i casi viene richiamato il ruolo del mito decabrista presente negli studenti universitari appartenenti alle future correnti populiste. Essai sur le meurtre politique, Paris, Fayard, , p. Di lui si ebbero notizie confuse e contraddittorie.

Un personaggio davvero sinistro nella mutevole scena I disordini recenti, soprattutto nella capitale, avevano dimostrato come lo spirito di corpo degli studenti fosse sempre forte e attivo9. Nei primi anni del XX secolo un ruolo importante nella lotta ebbe il sodalizio, quanto mai insolito, tra le frange estremiste dei partiti di sinistra, alcuni esponenti anarchici e i contadini.

In molte di quelle circostanze, fu comprovata la presenza di studenti, la quale stava a dimostrare la tipologia della nuova organizzazione rivoluzionaria. I socialisti rivoluzionari, tirati in ballo dallo stesso attentatore, furono i principali indiziati per la strategia del terrore che avevano enunciato di fatto, portando a segno colpi spettacolari ripetuti allo Stato.

Si veda James H. Billington, Con il fuoco nella mente. Le origini della fede rivoluzionaria, Bologna, il Mulino, , p. Sotto la spinta della prima rivoluzione, Nicola II concesse una mezza costituzione. Troppo tardi ci si accorse invece che, sornione, esso si stava organizzando per colpire un bersaglio di alto profilo governativo, il ministro Stolypin.

La sua dura politica interna, e 15 Ibidem, p. Lazarev 19 Kuljabko fu un ufficiale di polizia. Nel era ispettore a Mosca. Da allora in poi, grazie alle informazioni ricevute, si era riusciti ad arrestare molti terroristi e a sequestrare diverse officine clandestine dove si preparavano bombe e si mettevano a punto piani criminali.

Nonostante tale premessa, i capi di 22 Ibidem. In seguito al tragico evento egli fu destituito dal suo incarico. Il documento in questione si trova presso il G. Se questa deposizione risultasse vera, verrebbero a cadere una ad una le affermazioni di Lazarev e le prime rilasciate da Bogrov. Molti di loro avevano studiato in Europa, parlavano correntemente il francese e il tedesco e avevano una visione dinamica della Storia.

Marc Ferro, op. Conobbe la granduchessa Anna Vyrubova, che ben presto lo introdusse a corte. Si vedano a riguardo le pagine La Russia meridionale, da dove fu importata a Pietroburgo la violenza terrorista negli anni Settanta, divenne il principale scenario della controviolenza governativa negli anni Ottanta. Il generale Vladimir S. Sposano questa tesi altri storici come Miljukov, Radinzkij, Satta Boschian. Billington, op.

Risultava difficile infiltrarsi negli ambienti della Sinistra senza assorbirne gli ideali e le aspirazioni. Ma il 9 51 Ibidem, p. Ma il terrorismo, anche se perse molti dei suoi affiliati, si era svincolato dal controllo degli Sr ancor prima della rivoluzione del Il problema si era rivelato in tutta la sua portata nel XVIII secolo, dopo la spartizione della Polonia, quando ben Agli occhi del potere, gli ebrei diventavano fomentatori di disordini.

Agivano in Russia forze governative che sfuggivano al controllo di Stolypin; forze conservatrici e controrivoluzionarie alimentate dagli stessi esponenti di corte, che vedevano nella nuova fase della perestrojka russa una spada di Damocle sempre incombente. I pogromy erano ormai in Russia una valvola di sfogo per lo zarismo e certo non fu Stolypin a inventarli. Aleksandr Gerasimov, op.

Stolypin, al contrario di quello che sosteneva Lenin, era solo nella sua battaglia. Stolypin non poteva quindi rappresentarli. Anche i conservatori erano ostili a Stolypin. Non tutti gli storici sono comunque concordi con questa interpretazione. Stolypin, nazionalista convinto, interprete fedele delle aspirazioni dei gruppi nazionalisti russi eredi della scuola slavofila ottocentesca, monarchico spietato e autoritario pronto a intervenire a favore delle minoranze russe nei territori occidentali, 76 Ibidem, p.

XLI, p. Egli edifica un paese non universalmente libero ma una monarchia nazionale In circostanze diverse Stolypin sarebbe forse riuscito a portare a termine con successo i suoi progetti riformistici. Despite the economic troubles it was actually foreign policy which was to bring down this government. He recalled the government, accusing it of being too weak in a dangerous international climate. The Ponikowski government resigned on 28 June They are thought by some to have been trying to manoeuvre themselves into government in time to oversee the elections.

It was supported in parliament by the parties of the centre-left. The decision to develop Gdynia went back to the Polish-Soviet war when imported war supply deliveries were interrupted by the mainly German dock workers going on strike. Polish leaders realised the country was vulnerable to such pressure so there was an attempt to build the port which had petered out due to a lack of resources.

The Nowak government oversaw the organisation and running of the November national elections. The results were as before, a fairly even spread across the political spectrum from left to right. Right-wing parties polled 30 per cent, centre parties polled 21 per cent, left-wing parties polled 25 per cent, while the national minorities collectively polled 22 per cent.

The only way to get a majority and form a cabinet government would be to form a coalition with the centre parties. A right-centre coalition was complicated by the disagreement between the Endecja and the PSL-Piast over levels of compensation to pay landowners for land reform. While a centre-left coalition was complicated by the need to include the national minorities, which might have been unpopular in the country, and the schism between the centrist PSL-Piast and the leftist PSL- Wyzwolenie.

The political power struggle now focussed on the presidency. It is generally believed he did not regard the weakened and limited presidency defined by the March Constitution to be a suitable vehicle for him to mould the nation according to his vision. The field was now open for the parties to compete over the presidency. The Endecja nominated Maurycy Zamoyski, believed to be the biggest landowner in Poland and likely to be strongly opposed by the peasant parties.

However a backroom deal was done where the PSL-Piast candidate withdrew and they and the national minorities put their support behind Narutowicz. Hence Gabriel Narutowicz became the first elected president of the Second Republic. The parliamentary affairs of the armed forces were in the hands of the Minister of War, always an Army officer, even though the president was formally in charge of the armed forces.

This minister was accountable to the Sejm for all activities of the military. His role was the direct command of the military in the event of war. Many supporters of the radical right felt cheated out of the presidency and could not accept the outcome. The political situation in Poland became tense and violent, the result was agitation and militancy. Deputies were attacked outside parliament by nationalist mobs, and the President was assassinated on 16 December by a nationalist extremist, Eligiusz Niewiadomski.

Narutowicz had served less than a week as president. The tone of Polish politics in the early s was violent and militant. His cabinet was backed up by a centre-left majority including PSL-Piast. The Sikorski government faced economic crisis as well as political turmoil. From to the supply of Polish Marks had increased nearly eight hundred-fold.

A conference of experts was assembled to work out a reform programme to halt the slide and the growing inflation that accompanied it. He attempted to balance the budget by reform of the taxation system to increase state revenues. Heavy cuts were to be made in government expenditure, while loans would have to be secured to balance the budget. He started to have some success in fighting inflation, but the implementation of the programme was cut short by political developments.

On 17 May a pact, or agreement was reached by a number of centrist and right-wing parties including the PSL-Piast, the Endecja , the Christian Democrats and a number of smaller Christian parties. The PSL-Piast made concessions on the conditions of land reform to reach the agreement. This parliamentary realignment of blocs robbed the Sikorski government of its majority and Sikorski resigned as prime minister on 28 May He refused to serve under the government, as did his associate General Sosnkowski.

The Witos government faced critical economic difficulties as inflation continued to accelerate, partly under the influence of the German hyperinflation. The cabinet hesitated to act, not wishing to hurt its supporters in agriculture and commerce, thus the Polish Mark fell further from 52, per US Dollar in May to six million per US Dollar in December Poland was in the grip of hyperinflation in the autumn of The fall in real wages caused a wave of strikes.

In October railway workers went on strike, the government conscripted them and forced them to work. The atmosphere became militant and there was violence. Many of the workers were veterans of the Polish-Soviet war and put the weapons to use. The workers managed to consolidate control of the city centre.

Attempts by the military to take back the centre using troops and armoured cars increased the casualties, but were unsuccessful. In the end the workers holding the city centre were besieged by the police and army. Both sides decided to negotiate and a ceasefire was declared.

At least a dozen workers and a dozen soldiers were killed, with many more injured on both sides. On 19 December the Witos government fell when a faction of the PSL-Piast dropped out in protest against the Prime Minister for making too many concessions to right wing on land reform. This government was to last longer than any so far, it did not fall till late in During this government many far reaching reforms were implemented and many key institutions were established.

By the start of there were 10 million Polish Marks to the Dollar. The investments and savings of the upper middle-classes were practically wiped out. The poorer members of society were not too badly affected as long as wages rose with prices. They also saw their debts erased. Many people saw their standards of living recovering quickly to pre-war levels at first.

However the economy could not increase production adequately, and the harmful effects of inflation started to spread down to be felt by the less affluent. The budget was balanced first. The administration and collection of taxes was to be tightened up, and taxes increased. This included an unpopular tax on forest owners to provide timber for village reconstruction.

Also a second, heavier capital levy which was later abandoned as being too severe a burden on those who had to pay it. Public expenditure was also slashed to bring the budget into balance. This included economies in government administration. To cover the gap in revenues loans worth , gold Francs were raised.

The government also raised funds by the privatisation of selected state owned industries and businesses. April was a month when sweeping currency reform was introduced and the major institutions of the state banking system were established. It was set up as a joint stock company to guarantee its independence, and the sale of its shares began on 26 January The shares could only be purchased in foreign currency or gold. Notes in circulation were backed to 30 per cent of their value with gold or foreign exchange, and 40 per cent of their value in metallic currency or bills of exchange.

The aim was to strengthen the currency. One third of the shares were purchased by industrial companies, substantial numbers of shares were purchased by other banks and by government employees. One tenth of the shares were purchased by state institutions. Shares were also bought by agricultural businesses and co-operatives. The bank began operations on 24 April backed by million gold Francs.

In April some further measures were also taken to reduce government expenditure. The state railways were reorganised with the intention of making them financially self-supporting. During May Grabski set up a series of other state banks. It had originally been decreed in but was not fully developed in practice. It was fully state-owned and intended to finance the development of Polish agriculture. It was empowered to finance land purchases in support of the land reform programme, the introduction of technical improvements, and to provide debt relief.

The bank was also empowered to help finance agricultural co-operatives. In addition it worked closely with the government in implementing agricultural development policies by administering state funds allocated to agriculture, and marketing chemical fertilisers produced by state-owned factories. The bank did not become fully operational till It was intended as a mechanism for promoting economic development.

It provided credit to all branches of the national economy. It financed state-owned enterprises, local government, and co-operative societies, especially those in agriculture and building. The bank took a leading role in financing post-war reconstruction work throughout the towns of Poland.

In the Post Office Savings Bank was reorganised. From it began to take off. In fact from to deposits in the bank were to multiply ten-fold. This largely reflected the improving economy in the late nineteen twenties. These savings were invested by the bank in state securities to finance government activities. During this period the private banking sector was going through turmoil. In the early years of the new republic the reputation of private sector banks had been damaged by the proliferation of hundreds of banks set up to exploit the monetary confusion of the inflationary period.

However many such enterprises collapsed. In the period to the number of private banks and bank offices fell from to Following this, public confidence in the private banking sector gradually began to return. The currency reforms increased foreign confidence in Polish government finances.

The repayments were now to be spread over 62 years at a low rate of interest. In another tariff convention was negotiated with France, and one with Czechoslovakia. In exchange for orders placed with Polish industries the USSR was granted import quotas and preferential duties on certain specified imports. In there were also important developments in the field of social welfare legislation. Many of the provisions had been made earlier as the result of the strong socialist representation in the early governments of interwar Poland.

One reason for this is that Polish socialists had been very active in the ILO. Then for the next twenty years, during the life of the Second Republic, a Polish representative sat on the governing body of the ILO. The terms of such collective agreements were registered with the appropriate Factory Inspector and applied not just to union members, but to all relevant employees in the workplace.

This system applied to disputes in industry, commerce and transport. Some of the twenty ILO conventions ratified in merely reasserted previous Polish legislation, but some made entirely new provisions. The ILO conventions on unemployment were a mixture of new and existing provision. In both schemes the larger share of contributions came from the employer.

The ILO conventions on the weekly day of rest, and on the right of association and combination of agricultural workers were already covered by Polish legislation. The right of association and combination was in fact granted to all citizens in the March constitution. Under Polish law both agricultural and industrial workers had the right to combine in trade unions.

There was a complete ban for women on underground work, carrying heavy weights, and occupations involving exposure to toxic substances, such as white lead. Women labour inspectors were employed to safeguard the interests of female and juvenile workers. Some six ILO conventions ratified related to the employment of children and young persons. Overtime work for young persons was banned. It also covered domestic servants. The contributions were paid by the employer alone, with a higher rate for more dangerous occupations.

The incapacity pension was paid at two-thirds of the recent income level. If the worker died the widow or dependents received a pension. There were a number of other conventions and international schemes approved, for industrial hygiene and safety, the employment of seamen, old age, widows and orphans insurance. The commitments of the Polish government to welfare provision were extensive and extremely ambitious for a country in such a weak economic condition.

A period of deflation began. On 19 January Grabski reported to the Sejm , that not only had he balanced the budget, but a surplus had been achieved. However the economy suffered, there was high unemployment in early During consumer spending ground to a halt and official non-agricultural unemployment quadrupled from 61, to , Another problem was the impact on exports.

The inflation of the early Second Republic had boosted exports, the effect being less than it should have been due to parallel inflation in Germany, Austria, Hungary, Czechoslovakia and the economic dislocation in the USSR. It guaranteed the Church great autonomy.

The clergy were exempted from personal income tax, military service, and were free from prosecution in the courts. The clergy were given a large degree of control over the teaching of compulsory religious education in schools. Church properties formerly confiscated by the three empires and now owned by the Polish state were to be used for the upkeep of ecclesiastical salaries.

Importantly however the divorce laws from before were retained. This meant it was still legally possible to get a divorce in the former Prussian areas. The rightwards shift of policy at this point may have caused lasting damage. It is reported that during the early nineteen twenties some private Belarusian language schools were closed by the Polish authorities.

In Ukrainian dominated areas the policy ironically led to an upsurge in the opening of new private Ukrainian language schools. As the Second Republic developed, private sector commercial enterprises worked to form bodies which could represent their interests in the state. When the Second Republic formed this trend accelerated. To the older associations were added local organisations and regional unions. In retaliation Warsaw raised duties on imports from the Weimar Republic, this hurt German exports of manufactured goods for which Poland was an important market.

It seems many politicians in Germany had not reconciled themselves to the settlement of their eastern border with Poland. In July Grabski secured a compromise on land reform with the Sejm. Some , hectares per year should be voluntarily redistributed, being compensated at full market value. Land reform took four different forms. Land reclamation brought waste land back into productive use, while common land was sold off.

It is reported that the loss of common land actually relieved one source of friction between large landowners and the peasants and landless labourers. Disputes over the use of such land were apparently common. The government offered credit facilities to the peasants, for instance through the National Land Bank, which greatly expedited land sales. In the area of land parcelled was , hectares, in it rose to , Ha and remained above the target of , Ha per annum till It would seem the impact of the Great Depression then impeded land sales.

Low land prices generally deter vendors from selling, and a severe shortage of funds prevented purchases. The annual area parcelled then declined till With recovery from the Depression in the area rose again, a trend which continued till the destruction of the Second Republic in This reflected the general improvement of the Polish macro-economy in the late nineteen thirties. The data available show a grand total of 2. As well as the high unemployment and high cost of living which hit urban workers it was becoming clear that Grabski would not be able to balance the budget after all.

The government had not been able to secure enough in the way of foreign loans to help balance the budget. Wage and price controls were also difficult to maintain. This was nothing like as bad as in , but it was much worse than in Furthermore in there had been a poor harvest which caused a fall in tax revenues. A number of factors were hitting trade as well. The poor harvest meant food imports rose damaging the balance of trade and causing a rise in the costs of living. Trade had actually been in a healthy surplus in This caused Grabski to resign as prime minister.

This bill was strongly opposed in parliament by the right wing. Facing a continuing deterioration in the economy, the new finance minister cut state spending further and gave tax relief to industry. He also took action against speculation to please the left wing members of the coalition. This programme had little effect. In mid-April the cabinet decided that further deflation was needed but this caused the Socialists to pull out of the government and the prime minister was forced to resign on 5 May Meanwhile internationally the diplomatic situation seemed to be turning against Poland.

Whereas the treaty considered the Borders of Germany with France to be settled, it seemed to present the borders of Germany with Poland as still negotiable. The outcome seemed to bring the national security of Poland into question. These pledged mutual assistance in the event of conflict with Germany.

The treaty with Poland was considered a reaffirmation of the treaty of alliance with Poland signed on 19 February However it appears the Poles were not impressed by these promises. The pact guaranteed neutrality in the event of either country being attacked by a third party for a period of five years. The treaty was interpreted in Warsaw as a threat to the continued existence of the Polish state. Under the growing insecurity of the international situation President Wojciechowski agreed to the formation of a centre-right coalition under Witos, similar to the one formed in May The left wing strongly opposed this development, fearing it was the prelude to the setting up of an authoritarian system.

However Wojciechowski did not back down and fighting broke out between government and rebel troops. Incidents of rowdy behaviour and violence in politics, most notably the assassination of President Narutowicz, which many blamed on rightist in parliament, gave politicians an irresponsible and undisciplined image. In this affair a bank associated with the PSL-Piast bought land at preferential rates from the Government Land Office, it was then put up for sale at nearly ten times the purchase price, beyond the means of the peasants who might have benefited from it.

In the end it was purchased by wealthy large landowners. This enabled him to legitimise his role. Only occasionally would he take up formal leadership to take control of some critical matters. Following the coup his purges of the military and the civil service were restrained reinforcing the appearance that this was not going to be a draconian dictatorship.

The next stage in the establishment of the new regime was to strengthen the powers of the presidency versus parliament. This required constitutional changes. The first phase was to give the president more power. The president was stronger, he now gained the power to dissolve parliament. The president had more power to issue decrees which parliament had to ratify within fifteen days of assembling.

Importantly the Sejm lost the power to dissolve itself and force an election. This was a shadow underground organisation which existed alongside the Polish Legions to carryout covert activities such as intelligence, sabotage or politically sensitive operations. He intended to improve government administration to make it more efficient. Coming from a peasant party background he gave a commitment to pursue land reform fully.

Finally he hoped to improve relations with the ethnic minorities. A number of ministries were reorganised. Stronger central control of local authorities by the Minister of the Interior was asserted and power was shifted from locally elected bodies to the local government administration which gained wide-ranging functions.

The overall effect was to create a stronger, more centralised state with a more hierarchical and less pluralistic decision making system. The stronger control of local government by the centre had political significance with regards to the ethnic minorities, where it appeared that progressive policies emanating from Warsaw were often undermined by the attitudes and behaviour of Polish officials in the provinces. It would be a key step towards improving relations between the government and the minorities in the Kresy.

In Poland was still facing economic difficulties. During the years of inflation and generous government spending the rising market and government aid had promoted the continuous founding of new industries. Domestic industries also generally suffered from the lack of credit as well as low demand. In fact this now aided the ailing export industries. The small foreign loans that could be obtained from Italy and the USA were on disadvantageous terms.

In addition valuable assets were traded away under adverse terms to raise funds, for example the state match monopoly which was sold to a Swedish company cheaply. Tighter control was exercised over government spending. The automatic index linking of the salaries of government employees to inflation was ended which both reduced expenditure and helped weaken the wage-price spiral. In the years to the government finances were in surplus. It also meant the Treasury accumulated reserves, which later proved useful when the depression hit the economy.

Bartel in attempting to address these problems recruited two very able ministers, Gabriel Czechowicz as Minister of Finance, and Eugeniusz Kwiatkowski as Minister of Trade and Industry. In addition, in the Polish government invited a commission of experts lead by Professor E.

The commission published a number of reports which the government took heed of and the Polish government appointed an American financial adviser as a consultant. In the event the economy began to recover rapidly in the last years of the nineteen twenties. There were a number of contributing factors which successively improved the outlook. Furthermore foreign trade was given a boost by the British coal strike which freed new markets for Polish coal exports, especially to Scandinavia.

At this time Polish trade was overshadowed by the Tariff war with Germany. This had forced Poland to become over-dependent on trade with France and Czechoslovakia. Poland sought to direct more of its export activity towards the Baltic and Scandinavian countries. This involved significant expansion of the merchant marine and port facilities. It was during the Tariff War with Germany that the port of Gdynia became fully developed and operational, its development accelerated with the growth of exports at this time.

To expedite construction a contract had been signed by the Polish government with a French-Polish engineering consortium in November From to a tiny fishing village was transformed into one of the largest and best equipped harbours in Europe. Trans-shipments of goods through Gdynia grew from 10, tons per annum in to nearly three million tons per annum in Political tensions with Germany and the ethnic German population of Danzig meant the Polish government sought an alternative.

In spite of this Danzig remained important during the period but significantly declined in importance as the volume of trade through Gdynia grew. Eventually regular shipping lines from Gdynia were to go to the ports of the Baltic, North Sea, France and the Mediterranean. There were also lines serving further afield such as the near east, Africa and the Americas. A new railway line was also under construction from Silesia to Gdynia to carry coal exports, but this was not completed till The stabilisation of the currency created the right conditions for the recovery and development of consumer co-operatives in Poland.

These associations enabled poor industrial and farm workers to purchase necessities such as foods at a discounted rate. Such consumer co-operatives had played an important role late in the First World War, but had problems during the hyperinflation of the early nineteen twenties. This body prospered despite the impact of the great depression from Around the same time a number of co-operatives rapidly developed serving the Jewish community.

Politically the relationship between the government and parliament was tense. In September when parliament reassembled there was immediately conflict. Then in November a government bill to limit the freedom of the press also aroused resistance. In October he took up the position as Prime Minister, through which role he could cement the new regime in place. He wanted to widen his political base to create a broad based coalition government.

Presumably he hoped this would both legitimise his regime and weaken opposition, making it easier to get the support of the Sejm. He persuaded two leading conservative figures associated with the landowner class to join his cabinet. However following the coup the association followed a pragmatic course. It is thought that it was agreed to follow the pattern of economic policy laid down by Grabski.

The government had successfully reassured the right and centre that it would not be launching into any radical socialist programme. Relations with the Belarusian community who lived in the north eastern border lands had broken down. The Belarusians represented about 1. Their majority areas had never been given any autonomy or separate administrative status.

Initially the Polish state had adopted a liberal policy as embodied in the March Constitution. Belarusian political organisations, Belarusian language press, and education in the Belarusian language were all permitted, although there was no legal requirement for the state to fund these activities which were intended to be financed by the local communities.

As a more right-centre government had formed under Grabski, there had been a reaction from those who thought such policies were leading to separatism. Some three hundred schools teaching in the Belarusian language were given over to Polish teachers. The party had a radical left-wing character and demanded the redistribution of land to the peasantry without compensation, that is, without the peasants having to pay for it.

The character of Hramada is a bitterly contested subject. Today inside Belarus many regard it as having been a legitimate, home grown, nationalist reaction to assimilatory policies of the Polish government. Others, including the Polish authorities of the time, came to regard it as merely a puppet of Stalin being used to destabilise Poland and expand Soviet influence westwards.

Evidence has been presented by historians and it is generally agreed that the movement did receive various forms of aid from the USSR and the Comintern. From then the Belarusian media were subjected to increasing censorship by the Polish authorities. During the autumn of Hramada expanded its ranks rapidly peaking it is believed at around , members.

The Polish authorities acted to break it up. On 15 January top activists and leaders of Hramada were arrested and put on trial for subversion. There was a riot by supporters in the village of Kosava in protest in February where the police opened fire killing six and wounding many more. The party was banned in the spring of In addition his policy that all government offices should only use the Polish language even when operating in areas with a Ukrainian or Belarusian majority excluded these ethnic groups, disadvantaged them in dealing with the state, and was seen as an attempt to Polonise the population.

In spite of this, no substantial changes were made to the much resented bilingual school system there which was seen as an instrument of Polonisation. In addition there was no progress in forming a Ukrainian University. There were also some problems festering with the German minority. He is accused of stoking conflict with the ethnic German minority. One particular source of dispute was the freedom of parents to choose whether to send their children to Polish or German schools.

The biggest success of the new policy on minorities was in improving relations between the government and the Jewish community. There were steps taken to improve Jewish trade, but the upturn in the economy temporarily solved this problem. This was to address the concerns of radical right-wing and anti-semitic politicians that Jews were disproportionately over-represented in Universities.

In October a presidential decree formalised the position of local Jewish community organisations, the Kehillot singular Kehilla within the Polish state. These gave the Jewish community a measure of local self-government. The Kehillot were recognised legally and regulated by law. The Kehilla council was to be elected by Jewish male suffrage. The Kehila was empowered to raise its own finances to run local community organisations. This new policy was welcomed by Orthodox Jewish community leaders.

The parties of the left and centre shied away from a confrontation with the government and in March the budget was passed without difficulty. The government was legally obliged to reconvene parliament to present the budget, but to avoid confrontations immediately adjourned it till its mandate expired at the end of November Now there was practically an all-party consensus to restore the right of parliament to dissolve itself in order to force the government to hold elections.

It had difficulty finding any evidence of financial malpractice. There were many and increasing sources of tension between parliamentarians and the regime. There were attempts by parliament to repeal the press decree in May He had fought against the May coup and had been arrested following it. There were also threats to prosecute him for corruption. The normal business of government continued however.

These Chambers of Commerce undertook a range of activities to promote business including organising commercial exhibitions, conferences, and trade schools. They published trade journals, and sought to develop overseas trade and to attract tourists et cetera. The factory inspection system was first established in January to enforce the laws governing conditions of employment. However it had wide ranging responsibilities to enforce many aspects or labour and social welfare regulations.

Factory Inspectors enforced the laws relating to social welfare provision, had powers to issue regulations regarding the fencing of machinery, could forbid the use of certain dangerous materials, and could even mediate in industrial disputes. The most important development in for the stabilisation of the Polish economy was that at last the government was able to secure substantial foreign loans. In October the government negotiated a foreign loan, while an international stabilisation credit was arranged for the Bank Polski.

The loan was issued at a 7 per cent interest rate. The terms were not considered generous at the time. Thus the Polish banking system became more linked to the international money markets. It became possible to put the Polish monetary system on a firmer footing. Half of the small bank notes were withdrawn from circulation, while provision was made to convert the rest to silver coin.

In addition the floating debt of the Treasury was paid off. The improvements in the economy led to greater revenues for the state, which combined with the foreign loan meant budget surpluses. Thus the surpluses continued until the onset of the Great Depression. In early national legislative elections were due. This was an opportunity for the regime to reduce the amount of opposition it faced in the Sejm. It contained the widest political spectrum of membership from right to left, including minorities.

Its only strong political orientation was its opposition to the Endecja. To try to shape the next parliament to its liking the government is accused of using every legal administrative means, and possibly some legally questionable means, to influence the outcome of the election. As well as legitimate private funds, some public funds were misused to finance a large-scale election campaign. Local government administration was also misused to support its candidates. However it is generally believed that voting itself was free and fair.

The elections were held on the 4 to 11 March The BBWR only won one quarter of the votes. The government probably hoped that the leftist parties would be supportive. The results were that as well as 25 per cent of the vote going to the BBWR, 26 per cent went to the non-revolutionary left, 10 per cent to the centrist parties and only 9 per cent to the right-wing.

The minorities poled 21 per cent. With this composition the government should have been able to mostly get its own way in the Sejm. However no party wished for a confrontation with the government and in June the budget was passed easily. Some commentators have implicated his deteriorating health in this. This created suspicions in parliament that he might be planning to impose a more authoritarian system.

The left-wing in parliament, especially the PPS, now became more hostile towards the government. A new cabinet was formed under Bartel on 27 June Despite clouds on the political horizon, the Polish economy was doing better than at any time since independence. The index of industrial production rose from 80 in to in The real value of wages rose, and the official unemployment statistics continued to fall.

The rural economy benefitted too as the profitability of peasant farms increased. Large landowners took advantage of higher land prices to sell, with the result that the , Ha per year target of the land reform law was exceeded in these years. This was also helped by the availability of credit from the government for the purchases of land. During the relatively prosperous period from to peasants were able to invest more in fertilisers and machinery with the intention of reducing their production costs.

From Poland developed substantial agricultural exports. This was encouraged by high commodity prices on the world market. The domestic market was simultaneously protected by heavy tariffs. In laws were passed by which the surviving private banks were reorganised on financially sound lines to attract savings again, and to attract foreign loans. By there were already signs of renewed public confidence as 35 per cent of savings were now deposited in private banks as opposed to 19 per cent in state banks.

In 50 per cent of short-term credits were issued by private banks. Private banks were still inferior in resources to state banks, but were becoming less dependent on them. A perennial problem of the Second Republic was the regional development problem. To stimulate regional development, in a law granted tax exemptions and reductions to industrial enterprises founded in the region north of Sandomierz.

At the same time some plans for the development of the region were considered. These incentives proved inadequate, and in the end the onset of the Great Depression hit all plans for private investment or state intervention. This led the left-wing parties to draw closer and co-operate more fearing that the constitution was under threat.

However it would evolve in the direction of Fascism. Conflicts between the government and parliament now grew up over a number of issues; there was the failure of the government to present for ratification its supplementary credits not authorised in the budget. Then the removal from the courts of a number of prominent judges. Most alarming to parliament were government demands for constitutional reform.

It was backed by German capital, based in Danzig and flew German aircraft. In the absence of civil airfields they were allowed by the Polish government to use military ones free of charge. They received a variety of other help from the government such as subsidies and access to military weather forecasts. By the new Polish education system was also well established. Official statistics showed that in the academic year 96 per cent of children in the age group 7 to 14 years old, were attending school.

The improvement of education was to be a major achievement of the Second Republic. Politically the year was to be a year when conflict between parliament and the Sanacja regime was to seriously intensify. These were totally unacceptable to the left. Importantly it soon became clear that the government lacked the parliamentary majority necessary to get the reforms passed through parliament. This was allowed as long as the credits had been presented to parliament for ratification. On 14 March this committee voted to impeach him.

On 13 April Bartel resigned as prime minister. He had socialist leanings and a successful military career. He then went underground into the POW, later emerging as a political figure. The outcome was postponed to enable the Sejm to pass a judgement on the merit or otherwise of the government credits in question. However given the hostility of the Sejm to the government a finding against Czechowicz was anticipated.

During the six main parties of the centre-left formed a united alliance to oppose the government. Poland was especially exposed to the condition of the world economy because it was highly dependent on exports of agricultural commodities, coal and metals. However when the new parliamentary session started on 31 October the preoccupation was with the growing domestic political crisis.

At the opening session of the Sejm the Chamber of Deputies was packed with military officers carrying revolvers and drawn swords. It is reported there were over one hundred such soldiers assembled at the parliament, presumably to intimidate the deputies. Rather than intimidating the Centrolew this incident seems to have stiffened their determination to resist a de facto dictatorship.

The regime responded at first by trying to achieve a reconciliation. This may have been partly motivated by the need to pass the budget. Bartel had given signs in an interview that he intended to compromise with parliament, and he took the step of excluding from his cabinet the most unpopular members of the previous government.

By the start of March it became clear a majority in the Sejm were opposed to the constitutional changes the government wanted to make. In addition the Czechowicz affair was a political time-bomb waiting to go off, as once the budget had been passed opposition members of the budgetary committee would be able to examine the use of the credits at issue. The motion was passed and Bartel resigned on 15 March These tactics led to resentment on both the right and left-wings of the opposition.

Meanwhile conditions inside Poland began to deteriorate again. There were the first signs of the impact of the Great Depression. In the budget surplus had shrunk, in the government budget went into deficit for the first time since From to the number of transactions on Polish stock exchanges fell about a quarter from 87, to 56,, then stayed at a similar level till Falling land prices and less availability of credit saw the parcellation and redistribution of land slowing dramatically.

In the , Ha target was not achieved for the first time since The figure fell to only , Ha in As the economic and social conditions in Poland began to deteriorate and political and social tensions increased, the Catholic Church became more active.

In Count A. By the time it was well established it came to have more members than any of the political parties. In the summer of the internal security situation also deteriorated. The Ukrainian population inside Poland had a number of political parties and community organisations.

Many of these were to the left and some sent deputies to the Sejm. The most important Ukrainian community organisation as mentioned was the UNDO, which was involved in social, cultural organisations and Ukrainian co-operatives. However there were militant groups too, some of a communist complexion, others of a violently ultranationalist type.

It was known to attack both Polish government figures but also Ukrainians who sought compromise with the Polish state. Evidence has been presented by historians that the UVO was backed by German intelligence long before the Nazis came to power. Properties belonging to ethnic Poles were burnt down, including government offices, and there were attacks on communications such as roads, mail trucks, telegraph lines and railway lines. The action seemed to focus on damage to property but made the Polish population of the region anxious.

All this was happening in the background while the political crisis unfolded. It was attended by about 1, delegates and over 25, supporters. This was a direct challenge to the regime. In the meantime he also acted to weaken the parliamentary opposition in the run up to the elections. On the night of September eleven of the less senior, but more radical leaders of the Centrolew were arrested.

With hindsight these allegations seem very far-fetched. Before this large numbers of Ukrainian activists, including former Sejm deputies were arrested. It has been documented that over one thousand police first isolated, then searched some five hundred villages. Substantial caches of small arms and explosives were reportedly found.

Complaints from the Ukrainian side were that some suspects were beaten, that much property destroyed during searches was not repaired or replaced. Some aspects of the circumstances are contested. Polish authorities claim there were no fatalities during the operation, but Ukrainian sources claim 35 people were killed. It seems the operation was completed by the end of September However some observers claim it contributed to damaging relations between the Ukrainian community and the government and may have led to the radicalisation of some previously moderate Ukrainians.

As the elections approached arrests of opposition political activists continued. By mid-October several thousand people were in custody, including 64 members of parliament. The Centrolew did not respond with militant action, hoping to do well in the up-coming elections. It would have been very difficult to have organised a General Strike given the impact of the Great Depression and the high levels of unemployment. However the government was not going to leave the elections to chance and intervened more aggressively than it had in Many electoral lists were invalidated, and administrative methods were used to bias the results, especially in eastern Poland.

The end result was a triumph for the regime in the elections. Government lists won nearly half of the vote, with right-wing parties winning only 13 per cent, the Centrolew parties, decimated and disorganised by the arrests, were reduced to just 17 per cent. Minorities poled nearly 15 per cent.

The government was in a position of strength from which to govern. In another census was held, thus the start of the nineteen thirties is a good point at which to make a survey of the structure of the Polish economy and society. Although as will be seen, economic conditions changed greatly during the decade here the key structural features of the Polish economy and society will be reviewed. It was about four times richer than poor Asian countries like China and India.

At this time average life expectancy in Poland was just 50 years, compared with 60 in Britain, or 65 in Norway. Throughout the period of the Second Republic Poland remained a primarily agricultural country in spite of advances in industrialisation. About This was followed by mining and industry with about 6. In other words more than twice as many people depended on agriculture for their livelihood as those depending on mining, industry, commerce and transport put together.

The urbanisation of the population was low with over 70 per cent living in rural areas, this was high compared to Western Europe. In Poland the percentage of the population dependent on agriculture in was 60 per cent, compared with 29 per cent in France and 20 per cent in Germany at about the same time. Greece and Italy were both close to 45 per cent. Conditions of life for the typical urban working-class family were poor.

The cost of living was high. Surveys showed that in such a family spent over sixty per cent of their income just on food. Clothing was another great expense taking one tenth of income, while rent and energy bills cost nearly all the rest of their income.

Housing conditions were not good for the urban working-class. One third of the urban population lived in homes lacking all utilities such as running water and electricity. Over two thirds of urban homes consisted of just one to two rooms occupied by an average of 4. Only 38 per cent had electricity, and 16 per cent running water. Because of poverty it was often not possible for working-class women to confine their activities to the home, most had to go out to work for the household to earn enough money.

In the urban industrial workforce about three quarters of staff were male, about one quarter female, and four per cent children. Strict laws supposedly regulated child labour, but they were inconsistently enforced. Full-time education was supposedly mandatory till the age of 13 years seventh grade.

In practice by the late nineteen thirties over 90 per cent of children stayed in school till the age of 11, and over 70 per cent till the age of Only a minority went to secondary school but the figure was increasing. Women predominated in certain industries such as in textile factories where just over half of workers were female, and in clothing manufacture where nearly two thirds were female. Women were over-represented in relation to their share of the workforce in chemicals, electronics and in food processing.

In urban industry there was also great pay discrimination, average weekly take home pay was Yet the urban workers were in general much better off than the small peasants and farmworkers living in the countryside. It was generally impractical to enforce labour regulations in the countryside, so rural employees were largely at the mercy of the landlord for pay and working conditions. The census had shown the composition of the rural workforce was: It is believed this distribution did not alter much during the Second Republic.

In cash terms the standard of living of the majority of independent peasants was low, Polish peasant earnings only being one third of those in Western Europe, and they had little purchasing power to stimulate the development of the domestic market economy. However it is difficult to get a true picture of their standard of living, most were self-sufficient for food. In some regions though, notably Polesie, the peasants struggled to subsist.

It is difficult to assess the standard of living of hired agricultural labourers solely from cash wages as they may have kept livestock, or worked an allotment. In addition they might receive food or accommodation from an employer. This suggests that all in all the standard of living of a proprietor peasant farmer may not have been significantly better than that of a hired farm labourer.

In over one third of farmhands were women. There was great discrimination in rates of pay, for example in the going rates for farmhands in the summer were as follows: men 5. The problems of the countryside were compounded by poor, low efficiency agricultural techniques, a high birth rate, and the restriction of immigration into areas that had previously accepted large numbers of Poles, notably the USA, Brazil and Canada.

There was a massive problem of rural overpopulation. In other words substantial numbers of those employed in agriculture could have left the land with no significant fall in output. Out of a total national population of

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Michael Singer is a Managing Director at Brightstar. Michael currently serves on the board of Global Resale, a Brightstar portfolio company. In his prior roles, Michael led and was the executive sponsor for numerous transactions, including acquisitions, their respective integrations and portfolio sale processes.

During his career, Mike also gained experience as a management consultant and design engineer in both the public and private sectors, including at the Department of Defense. Joseph Stanislaw is a Partner at Brightstar. Joe previously worked closely with Andrew Weinberg during his time at Lindsay Goldberg. He received a B. Brian Cronin is a Principal at Brightstar. Prior to Brightstar, Brian was a managing member of BPC Capital and led direct investments by family offices in operational businesses.

In , Brian merged the company with Copeland and Johns, Inc. He currently serves on the board. Brian began his career an analyst at SPB Partners, a multi-family office, where he assisted with growth capital, restructuring, and management reorganization. Brian worked closely with Brightstar Partner Roger Bulloch.

Brian received his B. Previously, Ross was an investment professional at Newstone Capital Partners and was responsible for analyzing and underwriting debt and equity investments in connection with a leveraged buyout, refinancing, or acquisition.

He received his B. Lindsey is a Principal at Brightstar. She currently serves on the boards of QualTek and Capstone Nutrition, both Brightstar portfolio companies. Prior to joining Brightstar, Lindsey was a Vice President at Arlon Group where she evaluated and executed controlling equity investments in private middle market companies in the food and agriculture sectors. His responsibilities include evaluating investment opportunities, performing transaction due diligence, and working with management teams to implement operational and growth strategies.

Prior to joining Brightstar, Jarrett was an Associate at Trive Capital, where he invested in opportunities in a range of industries including industrials and business services. Before joining Trive, Jarrett worked for Houlihan Lokey, as a member of the Financial Restructuring Group advising on a variety of creditor and debtor-side transactions across a wide array of industries.

Shana is a Vice President at Brightstar. She also assists the Managing Partner. She has worked closely with Andrew Weinberg and other partners since , when she was an Executive Assistant at Lindsay Goldberg. Shana graduated from New York University with a B. Andy is a Vice President and Controller at Brightstar. Andy is responsible for compliance at the firm, along with accounting, finance and administration operations.

Prior to joining Brightstar, Andy was the head of finance and business operations for a professional soccer franchise in St. Andy earned his MBA from St. Louis University, and a degree in finance from Missouri State University. She is responsible for accounting, finance and administration operations of the firm.

Prior to joining Brightstar, she was a Client Service Director at Tillman PES, a boutique accounting and administrative firm focused on the operational needs of private equity funds and their sponsors. Prior to joining Brightstar, Larry was a Senior Associate at Fifth Street Asset Management on the investment team where he evaluated and executed direct debt investments in private middle market companies.

Larry began his career at AGC Partners, a boutique investment bank in Boston primarily advising clients in the technology sector. Larry is a CFA charterholder and holds a B. Peter is a Vice President at Brightstar.

He focuses on Investor Relations and Investment Development. Peter started his career at Morgan Stanley in their Private Wealth Management division, servicing ultra-high net worth individuals, families and institutions. Peter holds a B. Craig is a Vice President at Brightstar. He focuses on marketing and communications on behalf of the firm and portfolio companies.

Craig comes to Brightstar after spending more than 2 decades in media and communications at local TV stations. He was also an investigative reporter, using multiple platforms for in-depth, original reporting. He worked across multiple sectors, including manufacturing and healthcare, focusing on business unit integration, strategic sourcing and capital allocation.

Sam began his career at The Boston Consulting Group, where he assisted companies with sales optimization, growth 5-year growth plans and post-merger strategies. Andrew is an Associate at Brightstar. Prior to Houlihan Lokey, Andrew earned a B. Stern School of Business. William Feng is an Associate at Brightstar. Previously, William worked at Goldman Sachs in the Private Equity Group as an analyst covering a variety of industries across primary, secondary and direct investments.

William earned a B. Naomi is an Associate at Brightstar. Naomi earned a B. Jeremy is a Senior Accounting Associate at Brightstar. Jeremy served both public and private companies in the pharmaceutical, utility, and consumer products industries. Jeremy is a CPA and earned his B. Bank where she managed family educational programs for high-net-worth, multi-generational families. Paige graduated with a B. LinkedIn Zach is an Associate at Brightstar.

Prior to joining Brightstar, he worked at Goldman Sachs as an Investment Banking Analyst in the Global Industrials Group, where he focused on mergers and acquisitions, restructuring and other transactions. Zach earned a B. Cara Toolin Research Associate. She compiles research to benefit the firm and our portfolio companies. Cara also works with our marketing and communications team. Cara earned a B. Jack Weinberger Associate.

Jack is an Associate at Brightstar. Prior to joining Brightstar, he worked at Lazard as an Investment Banking Analyst in the Restructuring Group, concentrating on the oil and gas industry. Jack earned an A. Maggie is a Fund Controller at Brightstar. She is responsible for the accounting and finance activities pertaining to the funds, including reporting, portfolio monitoring, valuation and investor requests. Maggie started her career with Deloitte in the Audit and Assurance practice where she served a variety of both public and private clients in the financial services, manufacturing, energy and healthcare industries.

Partners and Managing Directors. Matthew Allard Partner. Reidar Brekke Partner. Todd Brock Partner. Roger Bulloch Partner. Raul Deju Partner. Gary Hokkanen Partner. Kenneth Kilroy Partner. Tom Meredith Partner. Jonathan Quigley Managing Director. Michael Singer Managing Director.

Joseph Stanislaw Partner. Brian Cronin Principal. Ross Kilroy Principal. Lindsey Tannenbaum Principal. Jarrett Arkin Vice President. Shana Bochinis Vice President, Operations. Christy Lukach Vice President. Larry Schmidlapp Vice President. Peter Smith Vice President. Craig Thomas Vice President. Sam Totusek Vice President. Andrew Chao Associate. William Feng Associate. Naomi Garlick Associate.

Jeremy Mallinckrodt Senior Accounting Associate. Zach Pfeffer Associate. Kyle Urbeck Senior Associate. Margaret Parks Zerman Fund Controller. Hannah Daughton. Our dedicated corporate preparedness practice draws on all of Lazard's resources, advising on preventative and responsive measures to unsolicited activity such as hostile approaches or activist campaigns.

We represent independent directors and special committees with objective advice, insight into shareholder concerns, clear and authoritative analysis, and an unrivaled track record in sensitive boardroom situations. View All Transactions. We use cookies to deliver the best possible experience on our website. By continuing to use this site you consent to our use of cookies. Your browser is out-of-date! Please Update your browser to view this website correctly. Areas of Expertise Mergers and Acquisitions We evaluate potential targets or merger partners as well as financial and strategic alternatives.

Divestitures We advise on sales and auctions in both strategic and distressed situations.

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