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We have placed cookies on your device to help make this website better. You can adjust your cookie settingsotherwise we'll assume you're okay to continue. Privacy Policy. Home Search In. Previous Fields Gender Female. Profile Information Location southampton hampshire. Gutted im going to miss this one sounds like a great place to go, next year I will make sure i book my holiday round the gp dates.

Risk free betting handbook for the recently deceased cryptocurrency explained meaning

Risk free betting handbook for the recently deceased

On one project, the project team left a section of a roof unfinished to allow the installation of equipment after the building was done and the roof installed. The equipment was late, and the project would have been delayed if the building was not completed. The project team left a section of the roof unfinished to allow the equipment to be placed in the building with the use of a crane.

The roof was then completed, and the project finished on time. In this example, the equipment arriving on time to meet the project schedule was considered a high risk. One option was to delay the end of the project. The team developed a contingency plan to install the roof in two phases to allow the installation of the equipment, if it was late.

The contingency plan was more expensive and contingency funds were placed in the budget to cover the possibility that the equipment would be late. Contingency funds are funds set aside by the project team to address unforeseen events that cause the project costs to increase. Projects with a high-risk profile will typically have a large contingency budget. Although the amount of contingency allocated in the project budget is a function of the risks identified in the risk analysis process, contingency is typically managed as one line item in the project budget.

Some project managers allocate the contingency budget to the items in the budget that have high risk rather than developing one line item in the budget for contingencies. This approach allows the project team to track the use of contingency against the risk plan. This approach also allocates the responsibility to manage the risk budget to the managers responsible for those line items.

The availability of contingency funds in the line item budget may also increase the use of contingency funds to solve problems rather than finding alternative, less costly solutions. Most project managers, especially on more complex projects, will manage contingency funds at the project level, with approval of the project manager required before contingency funds can be used. Assume that you are involved in planning a wedding.

What are three risks that might affect the ceremony or reception, and how would you mitigate the impact of those risks? For example, if you are planning an outdoor wedding, describe the backup plan in case of rain. Project risk is dealt with in different ways depending on the phase of the project.

Risk is associated with things that are unknown. He identifies the following risks during the initiation phase that might have a high impact and rates the likelihood of their happening from low to high. John concludes that the high-impact risks can be mitigated and the costs from the mitigation would be acceptable in order to get a new job.

Once the project is approved and it moves into the planning stage, risks are identified with each major group of activities. A risk breakdown structure RBS can be used to identify increasing levels of detailed risk analysis. John decides to ask Dion and Carlita for their help during their first planning meeting to identify risks, rate their impact and likelihood, and suggest mitigation plans. They concentrate on the packing phase of the move. They fill out a table of risks, as shown below.

Figure As the project progresses and more information becomes available to the project team, the total risk on the project typically reduces, as activities are performed without loss. The risk plan needs to be updated with new information and risks checked off that are related to activities that have been performed.

Understanding where the risks occur on the project is important information for managing the contingency budget and managing cash reserves. Most organizations develop a plan for financing the project from existing organizational resources, including financing the project through a variety of financial instruments. In most cases, there is a cost to the organization to keep these funds available to the project, including the contingency budget. As the risks decrease over the length of the project, if the contingency is not used, then the funds set aside by the organization can be used for other purposes.

To determine the amount of contingency that can be released, the project team will conduct another risk evaluation and determine the amount of risk remaining on the project. If the risk profile is lower, the project team may release contingency funds back to the parent organization. If additional risks are uncovered, a new mitigation plan is developed including the possible addition of contingency funds.

During the closeout phase, agreements for risk sharing and risk transfer need to be concluded and the risk breakdown structure examined to be sure all the risk events have been avoided or mitigated. The final estimate of loss due to risk can be made and recorded as part of the project documentation. If a Monte Carlo simulation was done, the result can be compared to the predicted result. He makes a checklist to be sure all the risk mitigation plans are completed, as shown below.

Risk is not allocated evenly over the life of the project. On projects with a high degree of new technology, the majority of the risks may be in the early phases of the project. On projects with a large equipment budget, the largest amount of risk may be during the procurement of the equipment. On global projects with a large amount of political risk, the highest portion of risk may be toward the end of the project.

Recall a project that you considered at one time but decided against during the initiation phase because the risks were too great or the mitigation plan was insufficient to proceed. Describe the project, the risks, the mitigation plan, and why you chose not to go forward. Risk seems to have a positive correlation to complexity. High-risk projects are in most cases highly complex. The process of conducting a risk analysis focuses on understanding what can go wrong and the likelihood that it will go wrong.

The project team then develops a project mitigation plan that addresses the items that were identified as high risk. The complexity analysis explores the project from the perspective of what elements on the project add to project complexity. The result of this analysis is the information needed by the project leadership to develop an appropriate execution plan.

This execution plan also contains the risk management plan. Although increased complexity on a project increases the project risk profile, risk is only one component of the complexity profile, and the manageability of the risk is also reflected in the complexity level of the project. For example, the organizational component of the project may be extremely complex with decision making shared among several independent clients.

The project management team will develop an execution plan that includes developing and maintaining alignment among the various clients. Although the organizational risk of the project decreases with the development of the execution plan, the organizational approach of the client did not change the complexity level of the project. Projects that have a high score in the external complexity category in the DPCI are larger and longer than usual for the project management group and the project manager and the available resources are lacking.

Due to lack of experience on this size project, unknown risks are significant. The inadequacy of resources will cause risks that are more predictable. Projects with high scores for internal complexity have risks to the budget, schedule, and quality due to organizational complexity and changes of scope due to lack of clarity in project and scope statements. High scores in technological complexity are associated with high levels of risk due to unknown flaws in the technology and lack of familiarity with it.

These problems result in risks to the schedule, budget, and quality. Environmental complexity includes legal, cultural, political, and ecological factors. High scores for complexity in this category imply high risks for delay and expensive resolution to lawsuits, public opposition, changes for political considerations, and unforeseen ecological impacts. Identify a project with which you are familiar or one that has been in the news recently where the external environmental complexity caused increased costs or delays.

Describe the impact of the risk, and the mitigation and its effectiveness. If the mitigation was ineffective, describe how you might have prepared a different mitigation plan. Exercises at the end of the chapter are designed to strengthen your understanding and retention of the information recently acquired in the chapter. Write several paragraphs to provide more in-depth analysis and consideration when answering the following questions.

The exercises in this section are designed to promote exchange of information among students in the classroom or in an online discussion. The exercises are more open ended, which means that what you find might be completely different from what your classmates find, and you can all benefit by sharing what you have learned. Planning for risks is a form of betting on the future. An accomplished gambler knows the odds of drawing a certain combination of cards in a poker hand or of a ball landing on a number at a roulette wheel.

If a project has several risk factors, they are not likely to all occur on the same project, but it is important to know the odds of that happening and to compare them to the potential profit of the project. If several risks do materialize on the same project, it might cause the company to lose money on the project, and senior management must decide if the benefit is worth the risk.

These simulations calculate odds like those a gambler would use before placing a bet, and the process is named after a famous gambling center in Europe. To use a Monte Carlo simulation, you have to decide how the frequency of occurrences is distributed. Three types of distributions are most common: normal, skewed, and equal. If they are governed by the central limits principle, the occurrences will have a normal distribution.

If the likely frequency of occurrences of a risk factor is more likely to be distributed to either side of the middle of the range, it is a skewed distribution. If the likelihood of occurrence is evenly distributed across the range where each possibility has the same odds of occurring, it is an equal distribution. A computer can choose numbers for each risk factor that represent a possible outcome for that risk on the project according to its distribution.

Those numbers are fed into a spreadsheet that determines the effect on the project and its costs. This process is repeated thousands of times, and the result of each iteration—repeated process—is stored in a table of possible outcomes.

This table is summarized in a histogram that shows how many of the iterations produced profit or loss in each range bin. The outcome of a Monte Carlo simulation gives managers an idea of how much the project could make or lose and the odds of that happening. Monte Carlo simulations are often used to predict the likelihood of a new product making a profit or loss.

The same methods can be applied to predicting the profit or loss on a project. Complete the exercise by following these instructions:. Near the bottom of the first screen, click the arrow labeled Sales Forecast Example , as shown in Figure Source: Courtesy of www. Continue reading and advancing screens until you get to the histogram as shown in Figure Source: Adapted from Wittwer, J.

Read each of the first seven screens. The authors make the case that a simple average of the risks produces an estimate that is too high. If they run a thousand combinations of risk outcomes, they predict a lower profit and a certain likelihood of losing money. In the word processing document, below the last screen capture, review the screens and answer the following questions:.

Help Creative Commons. Creative Commons supports free culture from music to education. Their licenses helped make this book available to you. Help a Public School. Previous Chapter. Table of Contents. Next Chapter. Chapter 11 Managing Project Risk Project managers must be prepared to deal with adversity. Define the difference between known and unknown risks. Describe the difference between the business risk of the organization and project risk.

Terrorist Attack On September 11, , project team members were flying from various locations to a project review meeting in South Carolina when all flights were cancelled because of the attacks on the World Trade Center. Sudden Family Death Just before a project meeting in Texas, the engineering lead received word that his father had died in the middle of the night.

Whole Crew Fails Drug Test On a project in Texas, the entire twelve-member masonry crew failed the drug screening test even though they had been told that drug screening was required on the project. Key Takeaways Project risk is the possible outcome that planned events on the project will not occur as planned or that unplanned events will occur that will have a negative impact on the project.

Known risks can be identified before they occur, while unknown risks are unforeseen. Organizational risks are associated with the business purpose of the project and assumed by the client when deciding to do the project. Define risk in your own words. Give an example of a known risk and an unknown risk that are different from those in the text.

Describe the difference between organizational risk and project risk in your own words and give an example of each that is not used in the text. Planning for Known and Unknown Risks Consider a trip that you might be planning. Describe the processes for identifying project risk. Describe the processes for evaluating risk. Describe the processes for mitigating risk. Risk Identification A more disciplined process involves using checklists of potential risks and evaluating the likelihood that those events might happen on the project.

Some examples of categories for potential risks include the following: Technical Cost Schedule Client Contractual Weather Financial Political Environmental People The people category can be subdivided into risks associated with the people. Risk Evaluation After the potential risks have been identified, the project team then evaluates the risk based on the probability that the risk event will occur and the potential loss associated with the event.

Risk Analysis of Equipment Delivery For example, a project team analyzed the risk of some important equipment not arriving to the project on time. Risk Mitigation After the risk has been identified and evaluated, the project team develops a risk mitigation plan, which is a plan to reduce the impact of an unexpected event. The project team mitigates risks in the following ways: Risk avoidance Risk sharing Risk reduction Risk transfer Figure Risk Avoidance Risk avoidance Changing the project plan to eliminate a risk.

Risk Sharing Risk sharing Partnering with others to share responsibility for the risk activities. Risk Sharing on Pipeline in Peru One example of risk sharing is a large United States construction firm that won a contract to build a pipeline in Peru. Risk Reduction Risk reduction Investment of funds to reduce the risk on a project. Risk Transfer Figure Contingency Plan The project risk plan balances the investment of the mitigation against the benefit for the project. Roof Left Unfinished for Late Equipment On one project, the project team left a section of a roof unfinished to allow the installation of equipment after the building was done and the roof installed.

Key Takeaways Risk management is a creative process that involves identifying, evaluating, and mitigating the impact of the risk event. Risk management can be very formal, with defined work processes, or informal, with no defined processes or methods. Formal risk evaluation includes the use of checklists, brainstorming, and expert input. Risk evaluation prioritizes the identified risks by the likelihood and the potential impact if the event happens. Risk mitigation is the development and deployment of a plan to avoid, transfer, share, and reduce project risk.

Contingency planning is the development of alternative plans to respond to the occurrence of a risk event. If you are planning a party at your residence, list three project risks and rate each of them for their potential impact and likelihood. Use high, medium, and low. Describe the similarities and differences between risk transfer and risk sharing. Risk Management Assume that you are involved in planning a wedding. Describe the elements of risk management during the planning phase. Describe the elements of risk management during the execution phase.

Describe the elements of risk management during the closeout phase. Initiation Phase Risk is associated with things that are unknown. The current tenants of his apartment might not move out in time for him to move in by the first day of work at the new job: Medium. The movers might lose his furniture: Low. The movers might be more than a week late delivering his furniture: Medium. He might get in an accident driving from Chicago to Atlanta and miss starting his job: Low. John considers how to mitigate each of the risks.

During his job hunt, John had more than one offer, and he is confident that he could get another job, but he might lose deposit money on the apartment and the mover. He would also lose wages during the time it took to find the other job. To mitigate the risk of his new employer changing his mind, John makes sure that he keeps his relationships with his alternate employers cordial and writes to each of them thanking for their consideration in his recent interviews.

John checks the market in Atlanta to determine the weekly cost and availability of extended-stay motels. He seals and numbers the boxes so he can tell if a box is missing. If the movers are late, John can use his research on extended-stay motels to calculate how much it would cost. John checks the estimated driving time from Chicago to Atlanta using an Internet mapping service and gets an estimate of eleven hours of driving time. John plans to spend one night on the road in a motel to reduce the risk of an accident caused by driving while too tired.

Planning Phase Once the project is approved and it moves into the planning stage, risks are identified with each major group of activities. Execution Phase As the project progresses and more information becomes available to the project team, the total risk on the project typically reduces, as activities are performed without loss. Closeout Phase During the closeout phase, agreements for risk sharing and risk transfer need to be concluded and the risk breakdown structure examined to be sure all the risk events have been avoided or mitigated.

Key Takeaways During the initiation phase, risks are identified that could threaten the viability of the project. Mitigation options are considered to see if they would be sufficient to protect the project. During the planning phase, risks are identified and analyzed for each activity group in a risk breakdown structure, and mitigation is planned for each risk During the execution phase, risks are checked off as activities are completed or mitigation is performed if loss does occur.

New risks are identified and added to the plan. During the closeout phase, insurance contracts are cancelled and partnerships terminated. As immediate and first steps, the United States government should adopt the following six recommendations to begin to address the problems identified in this report.

Additional medium- and long-term legal and policy recommendations appear in the final section of this report. The PNC is the first to arrive at homicide scenes. Given the high incidence of crime in El Salvador, prosecutors and investigators have very large caseloads. The Salvadoran Institute of Legal Medicine IML is the national forensic body tasked with conducting anthropological, biological, chemical, forensic, and pathological exams and autopsies at crime scenes and for criminal investigations.

There, migration authorities are expected to screen returned migrants for protection needs in their intake interviews. ISNA is the Salvadoran governmental institution that develops and executes programming for children and adolescents.

This includes services ranging from the issuance of passports and visas to immigration enforcement. In the first interview, DGME officials ask deportees basic questions about their destination, family, and plans. Agents conduct additional questions based upon information received in advance about certain people marked as gang members by US law enforcement agencies or with criminal records in the US. Demand is high, but lack of budget continues to be an issue.

As a result, authorities and society view them and their residents as particularly dangerous, creating stigma impossible to escape, even if a resident from one of these neighborhoods moves to a new neighborhood. State actors, so-called death squads or extermination groups and private actors have also committed abuses in these neighborhoods. In a few cases, our researchers had previously spoken with the same interviewees in In the United States, we interviewed approximately 30 immigration attorneys, three defense attorneys, and several social workers, trauma-informed healthcare workers, and researchers in nine states and the District of Columbia.

These interviewees identified deportees who suffered harm. They also discussed other cases known to them, professionally or personally, of individuals and families harmed following deportation. In the United States, we went to the individuals and families those in El Salvador and the US referred to us, visiting the three most common counties of residence of Salvadorans in the US and others in nine states and the District of Columbia. Included in this report are cases of people who experienced post-deportation harm between and In order to assess harms that escalate over time or which for other reasons do not occur immediately for instance, because a deportee successfully hides from potential abusers for a period , our analysis also includes cases in which the post-deportation harm started within five years of deportation.

Likewise, we focused this report on harms suffered after deportation from the US, as opposed to Mexico or other countries. We spoke with fewer women than men who had been deported, primarily because they constitute a smaller proportion of deportees. Human Rights Watch carried out interviews in Spanish or in English, without interpreters, depending on the preference of the interviewee s.

We conducted a handful of interviews in the US and two interviews in El Salvador by voice or video call. We conducted all other interviews in person. Human Rights Watch informed all interviewees of the purpose of the interview, its voluntary nature, and the ways in which the information would be collected and used.

Interviewers assured participants that they could end the interview at any time or decline to answer any questions, without negative consequences. All interviewees provided verbal informed consent to participate. When appropriate, Human Rights Watch provided contact information for organizations offering counseling, health, legal, or other social services. Initial interview sessions with deportees, their family, or friends lasted between one and four hours and were intentionally unstructured so that the interviewee could elect what they shared.

Human Rights Watch did not provide interviewees with compensation for participating but did in some cases provide a meal and transportation costs. Interviews with other types of sources lasted between half-an-hour and two hours, with almost all occurring in work offices or over the phone, although a few with persons previously known to Human Rights Watch took place over a meal or while in transit together.

Human Rights Watch took extreme care to minimize the risk that recounting experiences could further traumatize those interviewed. The names of all persons interviewed, including officials, have been replaced with pseudonyms to mitigate security concerns or retaliation. In particularly sensitive cases, like those involving state perpetrators of harm or interviewees in the process of fleeing or seeking asylum, we have also deliberately withheld details about the date or location of abuses and our interviews.

No governmental or nongovernmental organizations, domestic or international, monitor what happens to deported Salvadorans, including their criminal victimization or other alleged harm suffered. This makes it impossible to obtain a complete or representative sample of cases of deportees harmed after return to El Salvador.

At the same time, Salvadoran security forces have themselves committed extrajudicial executions, sexual assaults, enforced disappearances, and torture. Impunity is widespread. For example, investigations reached hearings in only 14 of 48 cases involving extrajudicial killings committed from to that the Salvadoran Ombudsperson for the Defense of Human Rights PDDH examined.

Two resulted in convictions. In alone, the Central American University Human Rights Institute received seven reports of elite Salvadoran police units burning victims. He emerged from the fire with burns to his face and feet. In August , the Lethal Force Monitor reported that Salvadoran police and soldiers killed 1, people from through , including 48 boys, four women, and men in Two inmates said there was tuberculosis in Salvadoran prisons. Gangs in El Salvador effectively exercise territorial control over specific neighborhoods and extort residents throughout the country.

They forcibly recruit children. Gangs kill, abduct, rape, or displace those who resist. Many of those who are abducted are later found dead or never heard from again. According to unverified estimates cited by the UN special rapporteur on extrajudicial, summary or arbitrary executions, approximately 60, gang members reportedly operate in some out of municipalities in the country.

Allegations of security and elected officials collaborating with gangs in criminal operations have been reported by the press and all political parties have negotiated with gangs according to consistent allegations reported, but not substantiated by, the UN special rapporteur. Between and August , the police have registered over 10, victims who have gone missing—more than the estimated 8, to 10, disappeared during the civil war , according to press accounts.

Human Rights Watch research has found that LGBT people in El Salvador are often rejected by their families, meaning that many would have no family support during the process of reintegration. Human Rights Watch repeatedly heard from LGBT Salvadorans, both in El Salvador and in the United States, that gangs had targeted them on the basis of their sexual orientation or gender identity, subjecting some LGBT people to sexual violence and extorting others due to their perceived vulnerability.

In July, the FGR charged three police officers with her kidnapping and aggravated homicide. Within the span of one month in late , three transgender women and one gay man were murdered in El Salvador in circumstances that led activists to suspect they were hate crimes. Salvadoran nationals who are neither citizens of the United States nor undocumented hold one of several legal statuses, none of which protects them completely from deportation.

These various statuses, and the degree to which the US laws affording them comport with international human rights and refugee law are discussed in greater detail in Section VI. They in turn fall in four main legal categories. During their deportation proceedings, they technically would have the ability to raise their fears of persecution or torture as a defense against removal. In reality, this is extremely difficult to do successfully. These people have permission to work and build their lives in the United States, but if they are convicted of any of a long list of crimes including non-violent drug or driving offenses generally considered as misdemeanors , they are subject to deportation under procedures that severely restrict the possibility of raising their fears of persecution upon return as a defense against removal.

The Trump administration decided to end TPS in September , [76] but a court injunction has prevented termination from going into effect. Due to lack of resources, legal advice, fear, or other reasons, some Salvadorans have not re-registered their TPS status, which moves them into an unauthorized status.

During their deportation proceedings, former TPS holders technically would have the ability to raise their fears of persecution or other types of harm as a defense to removal; but in reality, this is very challenging to do successfully. Due to lack of resources, legal advice, fear, or other reasons, some Salvadorans have not re-registered their DACA status, which moves them into an unauthorized status.

During their deportation proceedings, former DACA holders technically would have the ability to raise their fears of persecution or other types of harm as a defense to removal; in reality, this is difficult to do successfully. In researching this report, Human Rights Watch identified or investigated cases of people killed between and after being deported from the United States.

On a daily basis, US immigration officials and judges nevertheless turn a blind eye to the reality that people deported by the United States to El Salvador have lost their lives, often at the hands of their original persecutors or people they legitimately feared would harm them in the future.

In several of the cases we investigated for this report, such targeting was evident. In other cases, the US government is returning people to a country with such significant levels of violence that there is a real risk that deportees will face a serious threat to their lives or physical integrity. Even without such a standard, Salvadorans subject to deportation should have a meaningful opportunity to describe the risks they would face upon return and have that information considered before they are returned to El Salvador.

According to Salvadoran authorities, the deportees at the highest risk of harm are alleged former and current gang members and those with alleged links to gangs. State actors, such as police or other law enforcement, reportedly have killed deportees alleged to be former or current gang members, according to relatives, journalists, and academics who spoke with Human Rights Watch.

For example:. Enrico X. Enrico told us:. Enrico told Human Rights Watch that police in shot another young deportee from the United States in front of his home. Our research indicates that Salvadoran officials often assume that individuals deported from the US are both active gang members and were convicted of violent crimes while in the US. Three departmental police delegations told Human Rights Watch they receive lists of deportees alleged to be gang members and share those lists throughout the department, including with neighborhood-level posts where deportees indicate they will live.

Police scrutiny of such individuals may be a legitimate activity in furtherance of public safety. At the same time, even if an individual is an active gang member or has served a sentence for a violent crime in the US and is suspected of further criminal activity in El Salvador, unlawful use of force by law enforcement is never justified. Security officials involvement in extrajudicial executions and excessive use of force is often linked to government efforts to combat gangs, as reported by the UN special rapporteur on extrajudicial killings in her report on El Salvador, as well as the Legal Force Monitor and the Salvadoran Ombudsperson for the Defense of Human Rights in In some cases, the deportee victims had no apparent involvement with gangs, but nevertheless were killed in circumstances suggesting the killers were gang members.

For example, several of the below cases identified through press accounts reference failure to pay extortion demands and non-gang-related tattoos as possible motives for the killings. While press accounts did not speculate on whether the victims faced harm from their killers previously, some interviewees specified that the same gang members who targeted individuals before they fled El Salvador were responsible for killing these individuals after deportation.

The same members who killed him had threatened him beforehand. Similarly, a policeman told us about Nicolas P. The same year, he migrated to the US, only to be deported in At p. Human Rights Watch interviewed two families who had multiple members working for the Salvadoran military or police who were threatened, then fled to the United States hoping to seek asylum but were subsequently deported and killed. Adriana J.

Irene believes that Adriana was still in detention in the US in and deported that year or later to El Salvador. Her death certificate indicates she died in El Salvador from gunshot wounds to her abdomen and skull in Three bullets.

Mauricio believes he was the actual target. Twenty days later, he and his family, including his brother, Santos Amaya, who also worked with the municipal police, fled El Salvador and arrived in the US approximately 10 days later. Human Rights Watch interviewed Jacinto K. In December , Jacinto and his wife had been ordered removed from the United States. At the time of our interview Jacinto discounted the power of MS in the area, telling us he felt relatively safe. However, two weeks after our interview, Jacinto was shot dead in broad daylight in a public space of their town.

I only leave the house to go to and from school. They shout insults at me and threaten to kill me if I do not join them. For this report, we identified or investigated cases of people killed after their deportations from the United States between and Most of these people died between a few days and two years after their return to El Salvador. Of cases reported in articles by the Salvadoran press, [] 81 deportees died after being in the country for one year or less, with 15 additional deportees killed after 13 months to two years in the country.

Fourteen deportees were killed less than a week after their return, with three dying in their first 24 hours in El Salvador. We eliminated many cases of deportees reportedly killed between and from our final count because they died more than five years after their deportations or after an unknown period from their deportations. In addition to the cases identified through the press, we documented five cases of deportees killed between and by reviewing court documents for Salvadoran criminal sentencing tribunals.

The below graphic illustrates the corroboration we were able to obtain. Among the press reports on killings of deportees, Human Rights Watch found cases of six deportees killed between to that named state authorities or indicated death squads as the alleged killers.

Homicide data are regularly reported by police authorities in El Salvador. First, the specific victimization of deportees often goes unrecorded in forensic, media, or governmental accounts. Among victims who do report, protocol does not require authorities to ask about migration status of victims. All homicide journalists interviewed for this report said they mostly rely on police sources to determine if a victim was deported from the United States.

In fact, they told Human Rights Watch that they only do so when the victim had no documents or had tattoos. It is not relevant. None of the three had tattoos, and two were middle-aged men, perhaps explaining why the police did not check on their status in relevant databases or through other means.

The second reason we believe the cases of killings to be an undercount is that certain categories of homicide cases, regardless of whether the person is a deportee or not, are much more likely to be undercounted, including cases involving 1 female victims, 2 people with identity documents because they are less likely to be identified as deportees , 3 people without tattoos, 4 people killed in areas where crimes are more likely to go unreported including particularly violent neighborhoods, isolated rural areas, and areas where gangs or authorities do not permit journalists to enter, 5 LGBT victims, and 6 people killed in the custody of Salvadoran authorities.

Police, other Salvadoran officials, and reporters have apparently also failed to determine the migration status of female homicide victims. We could not find a single press report on the killing of any cisgender non-transgender female deportees—even for a case of a former female police agent whom we documented through our interview with her surviving relatives, who was killed after her deportation from the United States.

In our research for this report we heard many gut-wrenching accounts from people subjected to terrible abuse after their deportations from the United States. Often, these were the same abuses from the same abusers that deportees had tried to escape by fleeing to the United States—only to be returned directly back to the violence they originally feared. The cycle of abuse and flight is chronic, and for many deportees feels inescapable. Given the horrors they had endured, it was not surprising to us that these people often tried to flee again.

Even more so than the numbers of killings of deportees, instances in which deportees were attacked by gangs or others, disappeared, forced into hiding, sexually assaulted, and tortured certainly exceed what we have been able to document. Press reporting on individual cases of disappearances in El Salvador is rare. A common security practice among Salvadoran reporters is not reporting on their own neighborhoods.

Not surprisingly then, two journalists each told us about a case of a disappeared deportee they had not reported in , one because the incident happened in his neighborhood and one because he had other incidents to report on the same day that interested his editors more. Still, we were able to identify 18 separate incidents between and , for which the disappearance happened within five years or less of the deportation involving disappearances of deportees from the United States: at least one woman and four men, [] alongside 13 men who disappeared or were kidnapped before being found killed.

We documented four cases of sexual crimes and harassment against people deported from the United States in three of these cases we know the victimization occurred between and and was within five years or less of the deportation. For one of the cases, our source was unwilling to provide any dates for security reasons. A male deportee died after castration, according to a criminal sentencing tribunal decision. In , when she was 20 years old, Angelina N.

Angelina fled, alone, to the United States and was apprehended at the border and detained. Once back in El Salvador, Mateo resumed pursuing and threatening her, having his fellow gang members do so as well. This time her daughter was at home. Angelina was raped twice more by Mateo before fleeing again—this time with her daughter—to the United States. In interviews with deportees and their relatives or friends, we collected accounts of three male deportees from the United States who said they were beaten by police or soldiers during arrest, followed by beatings during their time in custody, which lasted between three days to over a year.

Police hit and kicked him before putting him in the patrol car, and then beat him repeatedly during his detention, which lasted for over a year. Salvadoran criminal sentencing tribunal decisions described police abuses of two additional deported men. In one case, a man deported four months earlier, who police accused of resisting arrest, was put in a patrol car and brought to a police station. Throughout, the police repeatedly hit and kicked him, including kicks with their boots to his neck and abdomen.

The deported man sustained injuries requiring an operation for a ruptured pancreas and spleen, month-long hospitalization, and 60 days of post-release treatment. Once the agents took him into custody, the deportee claimed he was insulted, kicked in the face, and shot at again repeatedly. The deportee was taken to a hospital for his injuries and was later acquitted of all criminal charges. We documented the cases of 33 individuals who known or suspected gang members threatened with death after their deportations.

Among those killed, known or suspected gang members threatened with death surviving relatives of at least four of the deportees killed. Jennifer B. So, she remains there. Most Human Rights Watch interviewees attempted to go into hiding in their own or different neighborhoods because they were afraid of gang members, police, or former intimate partners from whom they feared harm that authorities would or could not stop.

For example, when Alexander N. Safe relocation in El Salvador is incredibly difficult for anyone. The few organizations now offering assistance to the internally displaced can together only provide services to several hundred people per year and even then, are typically delayed, and limited to helping a limited number of people and for a period of no more than three months. For example, after learning gang members planned to kill him in his rural municipality, Gabriel G.

However, Gabriel had previously been deported from the US in , after he went to the US seeking refuge because former guerillas [] were threatening him. Gabriel was detained in Texas and failed his reasonable fear interview.

Alternatively, he had to show he merited protection under the Convention against Torture. Gabriel remembered US officials asked him if he had been tortured. He consistently refuses to hand over the weapon, and in response the gang members threaten to kill him. At least 17 deported individuals whose cases we identified or investigated for this report attempted to hide from the violence or extortion they feared in the same neighborhoods they had originally fled.

Two who were beaten and extorted, [] and one who was beaten, extorted, and raped have since fled El Salvador again. Several months before our November interview with year-old Alexander N. The men wanted only to take Alicia N. They tied up the rest of the family and posted two men outside to make sure they did not leave. The other men took year-old Alicia with them. Not long after, the family heard a shot, seemingly a few blocks away.

Once they broke free and felt sure the men outside were gone, they went toward it. They found Alicia dead with one bullet to her forehead. Alexander and his parents showed a Human Rights Watch researcher the photo of her body, splayed on the dirt, hands above her head and blood coming from the gunshot wound. After the killing, the press arrived. Nearly every Salvadoran media outlet covered the murder, some in more than one story.

More killings, including of two females, occurred in the same neighborhood before the year ended. Authorities found additional bodies in clandestine graves. A press report alleged a member of the gang had raped girls and young women in the neighborhood.

She told us what little they had; they gave him to flee. He told Human Rights Watch that he had told US authorities what happened to his sister and that he was afraid to return. At the seventh US immigration detention center he was held in, he got lucky: a group of volunteers worked with him and five or six other asylum seekers on how to present himself in his credible fear interview the first stage of the US asylum process. US authorities determined Alexander had demonstrated credible fear and he was transferred to another detention center to present his case before the Immigration Court nearest it.

A fellow detainee from Mexico helped him translate the proof he carried: photos, a news report, death certificate, and letters of support from his Catholic church, work, school, and City Hall. In our interview with him, Alexander appeared humble and shy. He had recently graduated high school. In his community, eye contact and talking could get you killed, he said. According to Alexander, after four hearings, at which he appeared without counsel, he was denied asylum.

I felt so bad. There was danger of return. Alexander and his family told us that the men in black have gone to other homes since then, and they see masked police and soldiers stroll their dirt roads. I hide. When people are deported to El Salvador, the original neighborhoods they lived in prior to their emigration may carry significant risks of disappearance, homicide, and sexual crime, such that living in safety at home is nearly impossible.

Victims include girls, boys, men, and women and those known or believed to be informants or witnesses. Visitors to these neighborhoods are also victims, and residents of these neighborhoods are victimized elsewhere because they are imputed to be affiliated with the gang that controls the neighborhood from which they fled. Given persistent violence in these neighborhoods, individuals growing up in them likely experience multiple traumatic events.

Four deportees we interviewed had to live in the same home in which a family member had been killed. No publicly available dataset demonstrates what percentage of migrants leaving El Salvador come from hot spots of violence; [] however, among the cases of people deported from the United States who were subsequently harmed in El Salvador identified or investigated for this report, many had lived in the neighborhoods listed above.

These neighborhoods are often notorious beyond just residents. For example, in , the Salvadoran investigative press outlet, El Faro , noted that Altavista, La Campanera, and Milagro de la Paz are nationally stigmatized. For their security, multiple non-PNC governmental offices keep maps or appoint a long-serving staff member to inform others of neighborhoods where staff have been threatened or harmed in the past, and thus, they either cannot enter or only enter with a police presence.

Police statements to the press in articles reporting on crime sometimes solidified stigmatization. Police would describe homicide victims in these neighborhoods as either gang members, collaborators of gang members, or those with personal relationships to gangs or gang members, even when relatives told the press their loved ones who were killed had no such links.

For one youth from Iberia, this stigma from authorities especially stung. Poverty levels influence [crime]. We rarely go to residences where middle-class people live. Deportees often have nowhere to go in El Salvador except to live with family already residing in a particularly violent neighborhood. For example, Nohemy P. Deportees are often unable to find another, safer neighborhood to live in. Deportees often cannot afford to relocate long distances away nor can they afford exclusive, gated residences with private security.

Someone should be investigating that. Sometimes, it hurts me to observe that there is nothing more we [the authorities] can do for these people. You are trapped in the same system. Individuals we interviewed for this report were repeatedly forced to move from one particularly violent neighborhood to another after being deported to El Salvador from the United States.

Then, five more came and asked who I was, from where I was. In nearly all particularly violent neighborhoods, gang members, authorities, and residents view new arrivals with suspicion. Nelson E. He told Human Rights Watch,. It is likely, and especially dangerous, that a person who attempts to relocate inside El Salvador will end up in a neighborhood controlled by a different gang.

Many authorities in El Salvador are dedicated to protecting Salvadoran citizens and ensuring justice in the country. However, authorities often face significant barriers to providing protection, especially—as discussed in the previous section—in particularly violent neighborhoods. These authorities and their families face serious threats themselves from gangs or from other authorities within their own government for the actions they may take to protect the public.

In this report, we documented cases in which government authorities were responsible for committing grave abuses against deportees in particularly violent neighborhoods. I was afraid to report [other crimes] to them. In , the Central American Institute of Investigations for Development and Social Change INCIDE reported an increase of these incidents in El Salvador between state actors and gangs, with incidents in , incidents in and incidents that left people dead in For this report, we interviewed several individuals who attempted to seek help from Salvadoran agencies or authorities but were unable to receive assistance.

For example, Gaspar T. Walter T. In , cousins Walter T. They crossed into the US without documentation. Walter was able to finish 9th grade in Maryland before he left school to work construction in order to pay the coyote smuggler who brought him across the border.

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Among the press reports on killings of deportees, Human Rights Watch found cases of six deportees killed between to that named state authorities or indicated death squads as the alleged killers. Homicide data are regularly reported by police authorities in El Salvador.

First, the specific victimization of deportees often goes unrecorded in forensic, media, or governmental accounts. Among victims who do report, protocol does not require authorities to ask about migration status of victims. All homicide journalists interviewed for this report said they mostly rely on police sources to determine if a victim was deported from the United States.

In fact, they told Human Rights Watch that they only do so when the victim had no documents or had tattoos. It is not relevant. None of the three had tattoos, and two were middle-aged men, perhaps explaining why the police did not check on their status in relevant databases or through other means.

The second reason we believe the cases of killings to be an undercount is that certain categories of homicide cases, regardless of whether the person is a deportee or not, are much more likely to be undercounted, including cases involving 1 female victims, 2 people with identity documents because they are less likely to be identified as deportees , 3 people without tattoos, 4 people killed in areas where crimes are more likely to go unreported including particularly violent neighborhoods, isolated rural areas, and areas where gangs or authorities do not permit journalists to enter, 5 LGBT victims, and 6 people killed in the custody of Salvadoran authorities.

Police, other Salvadoran officials, and reporters have apparently also failed to determine the migration status of female homicide victims. We could not find a single press report on the killing of any cisgender non-transgender female deportees—even for a case of a former female police agent whom we documented through our interview with her surviving relatives, who was killed after her deportation from the United States.

In our research for this report we heard many gut-wrenching accounts from people subjected to terrible abuse after their deportations from the United States. Often, these were the same abuses from the same abusers that deportees had tried to escape by fleeing to the United States—only to be returned directly back to the violence they originally feared.

The cycle of abuse and flight is chronic, and for many deportees feels inescapable. Given the horrors they had endured, it was not surprising to us that these people often tried to flee again. Even more so than the numbers of killings of deportees, instances in which deportees were attacked by gangs or others, disappeared, forced into hiding, sexually assaulted, and tortured certainly exceed what we have been able to document.

Press reporting on individual cases of disappearances in El Salvador is rare. A common security practice among Salvadoran reporters is not reporting on their own neighborhoods. Not surprisingly then, two journalists each told us about a case of a disappeared deportee they had not reported in , one because the incident happened in his neighborhood and one because he had other incidents to report on the same day that interested his editors more.

Still, we were able to identify 18 separate incidents between and , for which the disappearance happened within five years or less of the deportation involving disappearances of deportees from the United States: at least one woman and four men, [] alongside 13 men who disappeared or were kidnapped before being found killed.

We documented four cases of sexual crimes and harassment against people deported from the United States in three of these cases we know the victimization occurred between and and was within five years or less of the deportation. For one of the cases, our source was unwilling to provide any dates for security reasons. A male deportee died after castration, according to a criminal sentencing tribunal decision. In , when she was 20 years old, Angelina N. Angelina fled, alone, to the United States and was apprehended at the border and detained.

Once back in El Salvador, Mateo resumed pursuing and threatening her, having his fellow gang members do so as well. This time her daughter was at home. Angelina was raped twice more by Mateo before fleeing again—this time with her daughter—to the United States. In interviews with deportees and their relatives or friends, we collected accounts of three male deportees from the United States who said they were beaten by police or soldiers during arrest, followed by beatings during their time in custody, which lasted between three days to over a year.

Police hit and kicked him before putting him in the patrol car, and then beat him repeatedly during his detention, which lasted for over a year. Salvadoran criminal sentencing tribunal decisions described police abuses of two additional deported men. In one case, a man deported four months earlier, who police accused of resisting arrest, was put in a patrol car and brought to a police station. Throughout, the police repeatedly hit and kicked him, including kicks with their boots to his neck and abdomen.

The deported man sustained injuries requiring an operation for a ruptured pancreas and spleen, month-long hospitalization, and 60 days of post-release treatment. Once the agents took him into custody, the deportee claimed he was insulted, kicked in the face, and shot at again repeatedly.

The deportee was taken to a hospital for his injuries and was later acquitted of all criminal charges. We documented the cases of 33 individuals who known or suspected gang members threatened with death after their deportations.

Among those killed, known or suspected gang members threatened with death surviving relatives of at least four of the deportees killed. Jennifer B. So, she remains there. Most Human Rights Watch interviewees attempted to go into hiding in their own or different neighborhoods because they were afraid of gang members, police, or former intimate partners from whom they feared harm that authorities would or could not stop.

For example, when Alexander N. Safe relocation in El Salvador is incredibly difficult for anyone. The few organizations now offering assistance to the internally displaced can together only provide services to several hundred people per year and even then, are typically delayed, and limited to helping a limited number of people and for a period of no more than three months. For example, after learning gang members planned to kill him in his rural municipality, Gabriel G. However, Gabriel had previously been deported from the US in , after he went to the US seeking refuge because former guerillas [] were threatening him.

Gabriel was detained in Texas and failed his reasonable fear interview. Alternatively, he had to show he merited protection under the Convention against Torture. Gabriel remembered US officials asked him if he had been tortured. He consistently refuses to hand over the weapon, and in response the gang members threaten to kill him.

At least 17 deported individuals whose cases we identified or investigated for this report attempted to hide from the violence or extortion they feared in the same neighborhoods they had originally fled. Two who were beaten and extorted, [] and one who was beaten, extorted, and raped have since fled El Salvador again.

Several months before our November interview with year-old Alexander N. The men wanted only to take Alicia N. They tied up the rest of the family and posted two men outside to make sure they did not leave. The other men took year-old Alicia with them.

Not long after, the family heard a shot, seemingly a few blocks away. Once they broke free and felt sure the men outside were gone, they went toward it. They found Alicia dead with one bullet to her forehead. Alexander and his parents showed a Human Rights Watch researcher the photo of her body, splayed on the dirt, hands above her head and blood coming from the gunshot wound.

After the killing, the press arrived. Nearly every Salvadoran media outlet covered the murder, some in more than one story. More killings, including of two females, occurred in the same neighborhood before the year ended. Authorities found additional bodies in clandestine graves. A press report alleged a member of the gang had raped girls and young women in the neighborhood. She told us what little they had; they gave him to flee. He told Human Rights Watch that he had told US authorities what happened to his sister and that he was afraid to return.

At the seventh US immigration detention center he was held in, he got lucky: a group of volunteers worked with him and five or six other asylum seekers on how to present himself in his credible fear interview the first stage of the US asylum process. US authorities determined Alexander had demonstrated credible fear and he was transferred to another detention center to present his case before the Immigration Court nearest it.

A fellow detainee from Mexico helped him translate the proof he carried: photos, a news report, death certificate, and letters of support from his Catholic church, work, school, and City Hall. In our interview with him, Alexander appeared humble and shy. He had recently graduated high school. In his community, eye contact and talking could get you killed, he said.

According to Alexander, after four hearings, at which he appeared without counsel, he was denied asylum. I felt so bad. There was danger of return. Alexander and his family told us that the men in black have gone to other homes since then, and they see masked police and soldiers stroll their dirt roads. I hide. When people are deported to El Salvador, the original neighborhoods they lived in prior to their emigration may carry significant risks of disappearance, homicide, and sexual crime, such that living in safety at home is nearly impossible.

Victims include girls, boys, men, and women and those known or believed to be informants or witnesses. Visitors to these neighborhoods are also victims, and residents of these neighborhoods are victimized elsewhere because they are imputed to be affiliated with the gang that controls the neighborhood from which they fled. Given persistent violence in these neighborhoods, individuals growing up in them likely experience multiple traumatic events. Four deportees we interviewed had to live in the same home in which a family member had been killed.

No publicly available dataset demonstrates what percentage of migrants leaving El Salvador come from hot spots of violence; [] however, among the cases of people deported from the United States who were subsequently harmed in El Salvador identified or investigated for this report, many had lived in the neighborhoods listed above. These neighborhoods are often notorious beyond just residents. For example, in , the Salvadoran investigative press outlet, El Faro , noted that Altavista, La Campanera, and Milagro de la Paz are nationally stigmatized.

For their security, multiple non-PNC governmental offices keep maps or appoint a long-serving staff member to inform others of neighborhoods where staff have been threatened or harmed in the past, and thus, they either cannot enter or only enter with a police presence. Police statements to the press in articles reporting on crime sometimes solidified stigmatization. Police would describe homicide victims in these neighborhoods as either gang members, collaborators of gang members, or those with personal relationships to gangs or gang members, even when relatives told the press their loved ones who were killed had no such links.

For one youth from Iberia, this stigma from authorities especially stung. Poverty levels influence [crime]. We rarely go to residences where middle-class people live. Deportees often have nowhere to go in El Salvador except to live with family already residing in a particularly violent neighborhood.

For example, Nohemy P. Deportees are often unable to find another, safer neighborhood to live in. Deportees often cannot afford to relocate long distances away nor can they afford exclusive, gated residences with private security. Someone should be investigating that. Sometimes, it hurts me to observe that there is nothing more we [the authorities] can do for these people. You are trapped in the same system. Individuals we interviewed for this report were repeatedly forced to move from one particularly violent neighborhood to another after being deported to El Salvador from the United States.

Then, five more came and asked who I was, from where I was. In nearly all particularly violent neighborhoods, gang members, authorities, and residents view new arrivals with suspicion. Nelson E. He told Human Rights Watch,. It is likely, and especially dangerous, that a person who attempts to relocate inside El Salvador will end up in a neighborhood controlled by a different gang.

Many authorities in El Salvador are dedicated to protecting Salvadoran citizens and ensuring justice in the country. However, authorities often face significant barriers to providing protection, especially—as discussed in the previous section—in particularly violent neighborhoods. These authorities and their families face serious threats themselves from gangs or from other authorities within their own government for the actions they may take to protect the public.

In this report, we documented cases in which government authorities were responsible for committing grave abuses against deportees in particularly violent neighborhoods. I was afraid to report [other crimes] to them. In , the Central American Institute of Investigations for Development and Social Change INCIDE reported an increase of these incidents in El Salvador between state actors and gangs, with incidents in , incidents in and incidents that left people dead in For this report, we interviewed several individuals who attempted to seek help from Salvadoran agencies or authorities but were unable to receive assistance.

For example, Gaspar T. Walter T. In , cousins Walter T. They crossed into the US without documentation. Walter was able to finish 9th grade in Maryland before he left school to work construction in order to pay the coyote smuggler who brought him across the border.

Gaspar made his way to New Jersey, where he lived with an older brother, and was excited to enroll in the local high school and resume his studies. He was denied asylum in December , a decision he appealed and lost. He was deported back to El Salvador in February His cousin, Walter, had already been deported slightly earlier.

Walter and Gaspar were subsequently released from police custody and, through June , were still living in a chronically violent neighborhood in El Salvador. They could no longer be reached in December In several cases in which deportees were killed after return to El Salvador, police were responsible for the killings see Section II, above. The United Nations special rapporteur on extrajudicial killings noted in her report on El Salvador that killings of alleged gang members by security forces increased from in to in In other cases, journalists and human rights investigators question the degree to which police are using force lawfully.

In , the governmental Ombudsperson for the Defense of Human Rights PDDH in El Salvador reported that it had examined killings of 28 boys, 7 women, and 81 men and found few resulted from such armed confrontations. In 37 percent, witnesses saw police move the body or place or hide evidence. In 30 percent, PDDH concluded that the body showed signs of torture, including sexual assault. Upon his return, he learned the home his remittances built was at a dividing line between two gangs. Several people recently deported from the US told Human Rights Watch that law enforcement authorities had detained or stopped and questioned them.

Santiago U. According to Santiago, who we interviewed in January —about two months after his November or early December deportation from the United States—his brothers, with whom he had been living, were targeted by an extermination group which Santiago feared would also target him. His brothers and the rest of his family in El Salvador also did not accept his sexual orientation.

For both reasons—fear of the gang that was targeting his brothers, and rejection by his own family—he decided to live with friends in a particularly violent neighborhood near the police barracks. In an interview with a Human Rights Watch researcher, Santiago explained that police were constantly stopping him:. In , Alexander N. She was later found dead. He and his family believe the killers were police. When Alexander sought asylum in the US in June , his application was denied, and he was deported in the fall of UN agencies, [] human rights observers, [] the press, [] and government [] all acknowledge that death squads and extermination groups still operate in El Salvador today.

Three individuals interviewed for this report, all of whom were gang members but told us they left the gang prior to their deportations from the United States, expressed their fear of these groups to Human Rights Watch. According to press accounts, people deported to El Salvador have been killed in circumstances consistent with the methods of operation that death squads and extermination groups have employed:.

However, upon arrival in El Salvador, his tattoos became the focus of police attention. They took off my shirt in public. Salvadorans who have resided for an extended period in the United States face several unique risks as deported persons. They are often easily identified because of their style of clothing, way of speaking, and financial resources.

At the same time, because they have been away for so long, they often do not understand the unspoken rules Salvadorans follow in order to protect themselves from gangs, extermination groups, or corrupt authorities. Several people harmed after being deported to El Salvador had arrived in the United States as children and adolescents.

Salvadorans who have lived for a long time in the United States are often easily identifiable. Yeshua O. The sister of Baltazar G. I told him to dress differently. Bernardo A. He has lived most of his life since then in the United States but has been deported multiple times to El Salvador, the first of which occurred in as a young adult and the most recent of which occurred in December So, I left.

People deported from the United States, through remittances sent to their families, often end up having noticeable assets compared to others. While we were unable to document the motivation for the killing of the US citizen; in the two cases of the wives, we know from our interviews with them that one victim had regularly received money from the US and the other had resisted gang extortion. In all three cases, their linkages to former long-term US resident deportees who were perceived to have greater wealth seemed to make them conspicuous targets.

Deportees who spent a long time in the US are often targeted for extortion because they are perceived as having greater financial resources. Several of the people Human Rights Watch interviewed for this report told us that their unwillingness to succumb to gang extortion or other demands motivated, they believed, by their perceived wealth resulting from their long residence in the US put them or their family members at risk, including risk of death.

A police investigator told Human Rights Watch that among his recent homicide cases were several involving deportees who had been extorted:. Implicit in these cases is that the person either did not pay at all or stopped paying. Tattoos are common in the United States. For example, we interviewed Paloma V. She returned from the US voluntarily to El Salvador to visit her sick family and because she was worried her sons were being forcibly recruited by the gangs.

She explained the artistic tattoos on her neck, shoulder, and side were visual remembrances of her family, country, and God. Even gang-related tattoos are sometimes obtained in the United States as a survival mechanism rather than simply as a mark of gang affiliation. Bartolo A. Yes, when one walks with gang tattoos, no one messes with him. In El Salvador, however, tattoos are deeply stigmatized, and can prove deadly. This has been true for many years.

Today, gangs, authorities, and death squads link tattoos to gang membership in El Salvador. Officials [] interviewed for this report thought tattoos were the most common factor among deportees who were killed:. Out of 30 cases reported in the Salvadoran media of deportees with tattoos from the United States who were killed between and , only seven had gang-related tattoos, the 23 others had artistic or non-gang-related tattoos, like a tribute to children, [] an angel and Christ, [] a shield, [] stars on the elbows, [] and allusions to the US city of Los Angeles.

Despite the grave risks associated with having tattoos, getting them removed is difficult in the United States, especially when a person is held in immigration detention. In , Javier B. His mother, Jennifer B.

After crossing the border, Javier lived with his mother in an unauthorized immigration status in a city located on the East Coast of the United States, where she worked to send money home to El Salvador. Javier started high school, but soon dropped out and began living with a friend.

In June , Javier was convicted, at the state level, of two separate counts of attempted burglary and burglary in the second degree. After serving his sentence in an East Coast prison, he was put in removal proceedings in New York State.

In August , when Javier was 23, the immigration court denied him asylum due to his criminal convictions. He was killed by MS in June that same year, according to his mother, Jennifer. She told Human Rights Watch:. In several key respects, US immigration law and policy violate international human rights and refugee law, with direct effects upon people seeking asylum or facing deportation from the United States, like the Salvadorans featured in this report. Despite the fact that the principle of nonrefoulement is codified in US law, the cases in this report illustrate that Salvadorans face very uncertain odds when trying to convince US courts and authorities that they should not be deported due to their fears of serious harm.

Anyone who is an unauthorized immigrant Salvadorans among them will find it difficult to obtain protection from deportation to harm, especially once such an immigrant has been apprehended by immigration enforcement and put in removal proceedings. One of the biggest obstacles for these people is the reality that they are very likely to be locked up in immigration detention, from where they are expected to claim asylum, usually without assistance from an attorney, since nearly all migrants and asylum seekers facing deportation in the United States have no right to a court-appointed lawyer.

In a review of immigration court data from to , the American Immigration Council determined that of all Salvadorans detained and non-detained in removal proceedings, only 40 percent were represented by counsel. In addition, 38 percent of Salvadorans in removal proceedings were detained. Although deportations of individuals with TPS or DACA status are on hold as of the writing of this report, [] those court-ordered injunctions could be lifted at any time.

If this happens, these people are also likely to struggle to defend against deportation without assistance from a court-appointed attorney. Even with the aid of an attorney, every individual trying to prevent their deportation because they fear harm in El Salvador faces a battle to successfully make such a claim under current US law, discussed more below.

For individuals with criminal convictions, the odds against them being able to prevent deportation due to fear of harm in El Salvador are nearly insurmountable. Therefore, in accordance with international refugee law, procedures must be in place to ensure careful application of this narrow exception. Unfortunately, United States law falls short of these standards, which helps to explain why some of the people featured in this report were deported to El Salvador after criminal convictions despite the clear harm they faced and the lack of danger they posed.

A final defense against removal for people convicted of particularly serious crimes derives not from the Refugee Convention and Protocol but rather from the Convention against Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman or Degrading Treatment or Punishment CAT , which prevents the United States from returning anyone without exception to countries where they would more likely than not face torture.

Though it is an essential protection in international and US law, and people with criminal convictions are eligible to seek CAT relief, it is a very difficult standard to meet, especially without the assistance of an attorney. In addition to policy changes within the authority of the Departments of Justice and Homeland Security, Congress should amend US law to ensure that criminal bars to asylum and withholding are consistent with international law, that there is greater judicial scrutiny of the application of these bars, and that people facing removal have the right to court-appointed attorneys.

There is no right to be granted asylum under international law, but there is a right to seek asylum. This attack on asylum affects all nationalities, Salvadorans among them. Salvadorans whose claims to asylum have not yet been resolved, and those who may be attempting to travel to the United States to claim asylum from persecution in their home country, face enormous obstacles due to these changes to asylum law and policy.

Under this policy, the implementation of which Human Rights Watch has investigated, [] the US government returns to Mexico nearly all asylum seekers who have been put into removal proceedings. Since its inception, the program has been implemented at ports of entry and Border Patrol sectors across the southern border, placing asylum seekers at risk of violence, exploitation at the hands of cartels and corrupt officials, and death.

Approximately one percent of people returned to Mexico under the program are able to find representation in their court cases, [] vulnerable populations such as pregnant women, babies, and LGBT individuals have been regularly returned, and our own research shows the program regularly results in family separations.

Although legal challenges continue, the United States Court of Appeals for the Ninth Circuit has allowed this sweeping policy to remain in place. People affected by these policies often make desperate decisions to attempt to cross the border in dangerous locations. In July , in another change with devastating effect on all people trying to cross the United States-Mexico border to seek protection from persecution, the administration published an interim final rule banning all people, including children, who have traveled through another country first, and did not apply for and get asylum there, from applying for asylum in the United States.

On September 11th, the Supreme Court issued a decision allowing the ban to go into effect while litigation challenging it continues. In yet another effort to block people from even accessing the United States asylum system, in the summer and fall of , the Trump administration reached agreements with Honduras, El Salvador, and Guatemala that will enable the administration to reject asylum claims from people who first pass through any of these countries.

Each of these changes are layered upon other, earlier policy shifts engineered to create a harsh and punishing response to arriving asylum seekers. In , then-Attorney General Jeff Sessions introduced a "zero-tolerance" policy, which required that all migrants arriving between ports of entry, including asylum seekers, be prosecuted for the federal crimes of illegal entry or reentry. What resulted was the mass, systemic separation of families, as parents were prosecuted and children were ripped away from them to be taken into separate custody, causing irreversible, life-long trauma to over 5, children, [] including all but one of the Salvadoran children interviewed for this report.

Subsequently revealed internal government memos show that this policy was explicitly intended to serve as a deterrence mechanism for asylum seekers. Other changes have attempted to narrow the definitions United States immigration judges use to determine who merits asylum. In , US Attorney General William Barr reversed a case, Matter of L-E-A [] , limiting and in some cases eliminating the possibility of even presenting a claim for asylum for individuals who are fleeing harm on the basis of their membership in a particular family.

This decision holds dire consequences for many asylum seekers, including several of the Salvadoran individuals and their family members whose cases are documented in this report. Also, in , then-Attorney General Sessions issued Matter of A-B [] , effectively limiting the availability of asylum to most individuals fleeing gender-based violence or violence at the hands of gangs—each of which is often central to the fears of harm that prompt people from El Salvador to flee to the United States.

Former Attorney General Sessions took this decision despite caselaw in the United States clearly establishing, for decades, that gang violence and gender-based violence can constitute persecution under international refugee law. Each of these policy changes on its own represents a significant erosion of the right to seek asylum in the United States.

Taken together, the US is violating the rights of hundreds of asylum seekers on a daily basis. One proposed bill before Congress, the Refugee Protection Act of , would make important strides towards reversing these, and other, harmful policies. Under current US law these ties are often not weighed at all before deportation. Children brought as unauthorized immigrants to the US at a very young age often have no ties at all to their country of origin, other than birth, yet are subject to deportation without consideration of their ties to the US.

There is no recognized human right to immigrate to another country and obtain legal status, and states enjoy considerable leeway to remove non-citizens from their territory—particularly those who are present unlawfully. In particular, US law should take into account the often profound human rights impacts and other hardships of deportation, and weigh those in the balance against its interest in deporting a person. Archived from the original on Retrieved The Professional Poker Dealer's Handbook.

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this right; recent changes in the law have made the loss of a conser- vatee's right after the conservatee's death or after the judge ends the conservatorship, but only after Is the facility free of obvious risks, such as obstacles, hazards, and unsteady Home Laws and Practices (Bet Tzedek Legal Services, ; May to Poker, see the Poker category of words in Wiktionary, the free dictionary. The following is a glossary of poker terms used in the card game of poker. It supplements the A dead hand; all in: When a player bets all of their chips in the current hand. A player with betting on a flop of AJ puts themself at great risk. Project Management Institute, Inc., A Guide to the Project Management Body of Knowledge (PMBOK Guide), 4th ed. There are no risk-free projects because there is an infinite number of events Just before a project meeting in Texas, the engineering lead received word that his father had died in the middle of the night.