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The funds also will support other major campus maintenance projects. MIFA IS an independent public agency created in to stimulate private investment and job creation in the state. The agency offers a variety of financial programs for companies and nonprofit institutions, including tax-exempt and taxable bonds, mortgage insurance and direct loans. These financings have helped to create almost 80, jobs in the Commonwealth. MIFA is a self-sustaining agency receiving no state funding.

MIFA's bonds are not backed by the general obligation of the Commonwealth. Leading the way was Noel Occomy '89, the first six- time all-Amencan athlete in Brandeis history. In for teams from the East and New England. Not only did we represent Brandeis, in a sense, we represented New England," said Occomy. Occomy sees his collegiate tennis career as more than ust tennis.

When I go on the court, I enjoy it. I thrive on pressure; my performance rises. It's such a rush, falling into a zone and playing well. I see the guys that I'm playing as opponents, but not as enemies. Walking on the court is somewhat like a chess game. But it's also like a battle to the death, like , he was ousted in the quarterfinal round of the NCAA Division III Singles Championship, ending his college career as the number five singles player in nationally.

Occomy played number one singles throughout his four-year career at Brandeis. Noel's serve is on the professional level," said Coach Tom Foley. Occomy, who captured the singles title in by winning six matches m straight sets, was excited about making the nationals.

Ian Murray '89 was a two- time all-American who played number three singles and combined with Occomy at the number one doubles in the NCAA Championships. They lost in the quarterfinal round and were the number three ranked team in Division III in Murray, whose game is suited for doubles, handled 80 percent of the shots and finished off very well in doubles. A great serve and volley player, he is at his best when attacking the net, according to Foley. It marked the first time in Brandeis history that two tennis players were ranked in the top 40 at the same time.

Although bothered by a tendon problem in his left shoulder, he experienced another strong season, including a win over the 13th ranked player in the country. Although only in Its second year of existence, the UAA made itself instantly recognized at last year's NCAA championship by placing eight singles performers in the Final It was Emory, a perennial power, that Brandeis had to beat for the UAA Championship in April, and that victory helped seal the Judges' title trip and marked its place in collegiate tennis history.

Despite Occomy's and Murray's graduations, the Brandeis tennis team returns with several top players led by Cordish and will be looking for a return trip to the NCAA tourney. Evelyn E. Handler thanked the nearly conference delegates and cited the importance of the organization's financial support to the University and the immeasurable goodwill Its members bring to Brandeis m their communities throughout the United States.

The gift presentation at the closing banquet was the culmination of the Women's Committee's five-day annual conference, held on the Brandeis campus from June Delegates spent hour days attending business meetings, workshops, faculty lectures.

University presentations and library tours. Entitled "Facing the '90s: Beginning Tomorrow Today," the conference 6 Brandeis Review Obituary focused on how the Women's Committee will meet the growmg needs of the Brandeis Libraries as it enters its fifth decade facing declining volunteerism and heightened competition for limited funds. Conference delegates were introduced to sophisticated marketing and membership recruitment techniques through a telemarketing training videotape produced by the Department of Audio Visual Services at Brandeis.

We are entering an era of limited resources, a time of intense competition for the dollars available to address the social needs of our nation, including the education of our most precious resource — our youth. These are the critical issues we will be addressing at the conference," she said.

A highlight of the meeting was the awarding of the Abram L. Yalow for her outstanding contributions to public education and awareness, particularly her work to improve scientific literacy among the young. Sachar, chancellor emeritus of Brandeis and his wife, Thelma, were honored.

As a special tribute to them for his 90th birthday and their 63rd wedding anniversary. Bartlett Giamatti, commissioner of baseball and former president of Yale University, died September 1 at the age of A scholar in Renaissance literature who had written books on Dante, Spenser and other subjects, Giamatti served as president of Yale from to He was the youngest person ever to hold that position.

Giamatti was elected to the Brandeis Board of Trustees in and was also awarded an honorary degree from the University in that year. In addition, an Endowed Collection in the Humanities was established in honor of Dr. In that position he received widespread publicity in recent months for his handling of a controversy involving allegations of sports betting by former Cincinnati Reds Manager Pete Rose, whom Giamatti harmed from baseball. Upon learning of his untimely death, Brandeis President Evelyn E.

Handler issued the following statement: "The Brandeis community joins with the Greater Boston. Adrienne Rosenblatt, Greater Hartford, continues as treasurer. Murphy, chancellor of the City University of New York, a graduate of Brandeis, a former professor of the University and a honorary degree recipient. A renowned spokesman for providing minorities and the economically disadvantaged access to higher education, Dr. Murphy sounded a note of alarm during his opening night address m which he outlined the widening gap between rich and poor in the United States.

Addressing the Women's Committee as an organization that "is obviously more than a fund- raising group," Dr. Murphy appealed to his audience to consider the effect of the nation as a whole in mourning the death of an extraordinary human being and scholar. Bart Giamatti was a man of unflagging commitment to excellence and fair play who was equally at home at a university or in a baseball park. I have lost a great friend and colleague, and our country has lost one of its most courageous proponents of quality education, a man who in was among the first to condemn the mindless assault of the so- called moral majority upon freedom of expressions and intellectual pursuits.

An additional 41 chapters received the Women's Committee's prestigious Louis Award for reaching and exceeding their annual membership and financial goals. She taught at Dartmouth and Colorado College before commg to Brandeis in , and also worked as assistant director of the New Hampshire Council for the Humanities. Her undergraduate degree was in classical languages from Upsala College in Her monograph.

She has lectured nationally and internationally on a variety of topics in Roman and Greek archaeology, often with a special focus on Pompeii. She will spend the academic year 1 in Rome, where she will research her next book on Italian topography in Vergil's AeneidJ at the American Academy, and teach Latin and archaeology along with her husband, Steven at the Intercollegiate Center for Classical Studies.

Their two young sons, Aaron and Benjamin, will join the family expedition. Within minutes of the official closing time lean German shepherd guard dogs are released from their cages to run loose in the darkness. An eerie interval turns Pompeii of the day, which is hot and dry, baked by the Campanian sun, reverberating with the chatter of hundreds of eager visitors, into Pompeii of the night, which is cold, empty and silent, except for echoes of fierce barking. During that brief nocturnal transition archaeologists and poets are seduced by Pompeii's magic.

For just then Pompeii becomes a "city of the soul," as Rome was for Byron. The suddenness of Pompeii's death still saddens, perplexes and fascinates. People burn with curiosity about the world of the Pompeians who perished so tragically, and are especially drawn to their artwork and their inexhaustible variety of paraphernalia: the thousands of lamps and utensils, elegant silver sets, cooking pots, pails, ladles, dippers, baking pans, kettles, sieves, mixing bowls, pitchers, spoons, pastry molds, frying pans, nursing bottles, water heaters for the table, items for the bath such as perfume carriers, rings, strigils and oil carriers, and items for the toilet such as combs, cosmetic boxes, mirrors and ear cleaners.

Pompeii is an unparalleled archaeological laboratory. But it has been heavily romanticized in 19th- and 20th-century poetry, prose and art, and in more recent years in prime-time television. As teachers, we must peel away layer upon layer of myth and enchantment to reveal the scientific truth. In the process, we hope that our students will find the truth more compelling than the distorted knowledge that fills their heads from sources other than the scholarship of archaeology.

We also hope that they will be able to place fictional accounts and representations in their proper perspective. As the Pompeians warned on their mosaic doormats, cave canem beware of the dog , we must enter their ancient world with caution and measured zeal. A large and irresistible challenge looms over anyone teaching the lessons of this site.

Roman society was profoundly different from our own. The position of the family within the social structure, the functions and duties of patronage, the institution of slavery, ancient morality, religious beliefs, social customs in public and private, political organization, types of entertainment and the nature of art and architecture all offer startling contrasts for us to study. Identifying the differences between ancient and modern life can be intellectually stimulating, but also uncomfortably taxing, especially since it is so much easier to rely on the fanciful visions presented by romantic writers, who saw Pompeii through the prism of their own Anglo or American, upper-class society.

The challenge of teaching Pompeii is compounded by the fact that Pompeians had many amenities that seem similar to features in our own culture — and akin to aspects of the 19th century as well — such as water supply and sanitation, street paving and sidewalks, markets, bankmg, specialty shops, taverns, bars, inns and an addiction to spectator sports.

But uncritical recognition of the things we see at Pompeii is not prudent. To grasp the essence of the site, Pompeii's life and art must be viewed in a political and social context, as they stood at the moment the clock stopped. This requires some hard work — close reading of Latin texts, inscriptions and of the material remains.

The eruption of Mount Vesuvius on August 24, 79 C. An enormous mass of ash and pumice fell on Pompeii 12 to 16 feet deep , while hot volcanic mud, which hardened to the consistency of rock, poured down the mountainside to bury neighboring Herculaneum and numerous villa sites in the zone. These settlements, sealed in a time capsule, provide the single most vivid picture of ancient life and death to emerge from any classical sites yet uncovered.

The overwhelming impression for the modern visitor is still the immediacy of the ancient tragedy. When we enter a house or shop at Pompeii, it is as if the occupants had gone only a moment ago — to the theater, to one of the temples, to one of the bathing establishments. And the poignantly enduring presence of that awesome natural catastrophe, so gripping when we view bodies huddled under a stairwell, for example, is unique to Pompeii and Herculaneum.

The centuries fall away as we gaze at commonplace things that constitute the externals of a way of life — a table setting, welcome mats, graffiti in a public bathroom, toothpicks and hairpins. The eruption of Mount Vesuvius was not the first natural disaster to strike Pompeii.

An earthquake had 10 Brandeis Review Photos, left to right a bath at Pompeii; aerial view of a Pompeian amphi- theater-, brothel exterior, Pompeii; line drawing Pompeian amphitheater plan devastated the zone on February 5, 62 C. Craftsmen, carpenters and masons flooded into the city from all over the Roman empire to make repairs.

Vast reconstruction projects were underway at Pompeii and Herculancum when they were overtaken by Vesuvius. At the time of the eruption, 17 years after the earthquake, only two major public buildings had been completely restored and many of the fine old houses were being subdivided and converted into commercial premises. Clearly property values had changed. The economy was in a state of flux. Immediately after the cataclysm of 79, the very locations of the towns were lost. Almost 1, years later in , well-diggers hit upon the theater of Herculancum, but no significant archaeological activity took place at Pompeii until And much of this early work, undertaken by convicts and mental patients from local prisons and institutions under the supervision of engineers in the service of Neapolitan royalty, was at first haphazard and destructive.

Systematic excavation started with the appointment of Giuseppe Fiorelli , who invented the method of making casts of the victims of the eruption. He numbered the regions, blocks and individual buildings of Pompeii, a system still in use today, and he first adopted the modern principle of restoring buildings and of conserving finds in place, instead of removing spectacular paintings or furnishings to a museum and leaving the rest to disintegrate at the site. While the science of archaeology was effectively being born at Pompeii, new trends in literature and art were surfacing as a result of the excavations.

Painters — Cole, Robert, Fragonard, Clensseau, for example — had taken up the theme of ruins. Tombs and temples, to the exclusion of utilitarian structures such as roads, aqueducts and bridges became the focus of these artistic works. A school of poets, who took great pleasure in the melancholy sparked by ancient ruins, had formed in the 18th century, especially in France and England.

The Pompeian experience was expressed in highly charged emotional terms rather than through scientific observation. Within a century Pompeii had grown from a tourist's occasional entry in a travel log, to the basic theme of a number of important poems, and finally to the focus of entire novels: Madame de Stael's Corinne ou Tltalie , Thomas Gray's The Vestal, A Tale of Pompeii and Theophile Gautier's Arria Marcella , for example. Probably the most significant turning point for Pompeii as a major theme in narrative literature came with the publication of Edward Bulwer-Lytton's novel.

The Last Days of Pompeii Bulwer's triumph is not his description of the city, nor the plot, a rather common love story with jealousy, crime and a happy ending played out between the voluptuous life of pagan Pompeii and the advent of pious Christianity. Rather, Bulwer's animation of Pompeii and the immediacy he brings to the site distinguishes his work: Then there arose on high the universal shrieks of women; the men stared at each other, but were dumb.

At that moment they felt the earth shake beneath their feet; the walls of the theater trembled; and, beyond m the distance, they heard the crash of falling roofs; an instant more and the mountain- cloud seemed to roll towards them, dark and rapid, like a torrent; at the same time, it cast forth from its bosom a shower of ashes mixed with vast fragments of burning stone! Over the crushing vines — over the desolate streets — over the amphitheater itself —far and wide — with many a mighty splash in the agitated sea — fell that awfid shower!

He could have given a more accurate view, but like so many of his literary colleagues, he chose melodrama and moral stricture over archaeology. As a direct result of Bulwer's fiction, for example, Charles Dickens visited the ruins in and remarked on them in his Pictures from Italy and Mark Twain was inspired to write his account of the site in The Innocents Abroad Like so many of these authors.

In the end, his account, though charming, is as unrewarding archaeologically as that of Bulwer. With serious effort, however, we can reconstruct something of the actual political reality and social structure of Pompeii from Latin inscriptions. The Romans possessed a passion for self- commemoration.

Monumental inscriptions in stone or bronze recorded dedications, religious events and honors for distinguished citizens or members of the imperial family, for those who funded various buildings or for the dead on their tombstones. Graffiti, ephemeral writings mostly on walls by idle scribblers, included programmata, electoral posters, painted on the fronts of the houses of candidates or their supporters.

These posters reveal much about the implementation of city government. As the electoral propaganda show, elections were indeed lively affairs, but political organization was different from that of modern society. Although the magistrates of Pompeii were elected annually by the whole body of free citizens, a large percentage of the population were slaves, a far greater number than the number of free citizens.

And these people were completely disenfranchised. While many of the supporters of particular candidates were simply friends, neighbors and clients of the candidates, others were organized bodies that probably had some serious economic or social interest in the outcome. Support issued from various religious associations — worshippers of Isis, for example, to name one — and trade associations such as fullers, fruitsellers, fishermen, bakers, goldsmiths and cloth salesmen.

Groups of a less serious character, "the theatergoers" and "the late-night drinkers," also affixed posters on the city's walls. Although a man's position was rigidly defined by his civil status whether he was a slave or freeborn, in many respects society was surprisingly fluid.

Not only could slaves of ability rise to positions of considerable responsibility as stewards or managers of large estates, but slavery was actually one of the recognized roads to social advancement. A Roman citizen had the right to bestow freedom upon any slave who had given faithful service, a prerogative that was freely exercised. Although a libertus or freedman was debarred from holding certain positions that called for free birth, his children born after he obtained his freedom were the equals at law of any other Roman citizen.

The restoration was sponsored by N. Popidius Celsinus, the inscription tells us. The unexpected feature of this enterprise is that at the time, Popidius was a boy of six. The truth is that the real donor was the boy's father, N. Popidius Ampiatus, now freed, who, born a slave, was ipso facto debarred from membership in the council, and chose instead to buy his son's way into it.

The writers of the 19th century left the impression that life in the Pompeian house consisted mainly of stylish dinner parties resemblmg rather closely the gathermgs of English high society. Bulwer took great delight in The Last Days describing the rooms of the Roman villa — festoons of flowers, painted columns, cabinets of gems, open terraces — all as a backdrop for the most elaborate banquets. He confused his description of the villa with the smaller atrium houses of Pompeii, and only represented these two types of houses in his novel.

From domestic architecture itself we can learn many more accurate details about the private world of the Pompeian. The urban landscape of Pompeii was packed with both grand and smaller dwellings and numerous pathetic hovels crowded in here and there. Modest upper-story apartments — which were fire traps and horrendously crowded — were sometimes located above the front entrances of finer houses, particularly in the period after the earthquake of One-room shops that opened directly from the street and served both as workshops and as living spaces for the poorest families were also situated at the front of these houses.

In addition, cheaply constructed apartment buildings with damp, dark quarters and few, if any, amenities housed a sizeable portion of the population. Among the or so excavated houses at Pompeii, the large, well- to-do houses predominate. The dominant feature of the main house plan was a large centrally lit hall, the atrium, the roof of which opened in the center to admit light and rainwater to replenish the cisterns, the house's principal water supply.

Grouped around the atrium were the other rooms of the house. This was the principal reception area of the house, and unlike most of the other rooms, it was often lit by a window that looked onto the garden beyond. The tablinum could also be closed off from the atrium by a wooden screen or a curtain.

At either side of it were two rooms, one of which was often used as a triclinium or dining room. Cubicula, bedrooms, lay at the long sides of the atrium. Kitchen and service rooms were usually situated off the garden at the back of the house. Here the women and children stayed, and household slaves did their chores.

The domestic architectural picture at Pompeii is quite complex. Suburban villas, such as the famous Villa of the Mysteries, squalid tenements and even six- story luxury apartment buildings complete with private bath houses, such as the so-called Sarno Baths, all competed for space in the Mediterranean sun.

Ancient truths about religious beliefs have been most distorted by the writers of the 19th and early 20th centuries. Hard evidence is certainly lacking for the numerous and influential Christian congregations depicted by the likes of Gray and Bulwer. The central characters in both Gray's and Bulwer's novel are former pagans converted to Christianity, and Christian moralizing glosses all aspects of ancient life.

If there were any Christian sympathizers at Pompeii — and scholars do not deny that this is likely — they would have been Jewish apostates. From inscriptions we know that a Jewish community was nestled at nearby Puteoli modern Pozzuoli and some of these people may well have had connections in Pompeii or Herculaneum. But that is really all we can say. In the period between the earthquake and the eruption, the vast influx of tradespeople to Pompeii also brought new religious ideologies.

The traditional state religion was entirely in the hands of colleges of priests, who were prominent citizens elected or appointed to perform the proper ceremonies for the community to worship Jupiter, Venus, Apollo, Neptune and the host of ancient gods. The Roman state religion involved ritual rather than religious experience. In the absence of any consistent body of doctrine, a Bible for example, it had little or nothing to offer people in search of higher truth.

Mystery religions, which were more personal, offered worship of such exotic divinities as the Egyptian Isis and Serapis. The imperial cult was for worship of the Emperor himself. Everywhere, therefore, a confusion of beliefs and practices confronts us.

Few, if any, classical sites can equal Pompeii for the light it sheds on religion at its popular, grass- roots level. The larana, household shrines, which are such a prominent feature of the dwellings, represent religion at its simplest and least articulate, yet most real. The father of the Roman family offered daily prayers and gifts at the laranum, within which were displayed the figures of the traditional household gods, the Laies and the Penates.

Rituals associated with various important family events, such as a boy's coming of age, were also performed there. Another aspect of Roman religion, which IS vividly represented for us at Pompeii, is the emphasis on fruitfulness and reproduction.

Wreaths of fruit or horns of plenty, cornucopiae, are common objects of this religious symbolism, but so too IS the phallus, which is apt to appear above the oven in a household kitchen to encourage the bread to rise, on a paving stone of a Pompeian street, on plaques at street corners and on house facades, in graffiti or in the entranceways of elegant private houses. The owner of the House of the Vettii, for example, one of the finest Pompeian houses of the last period of the city, displayed at the entrance to his house a large figure of Priapus, a god of fertility from the East, with a gigantic male organ weighed in a pair of scales opposite a large money bag as a symbol of the prosperity of his house.

The ubiquitousness of the phallus was not a sign of "moral decline," as the writers of the 19th century, steeped in Victorian prudery, so often interpreted it. The three principal entertainment centers for the ancient Pompeian — the public bath building, the theater and the amphitheater — explain a great deal about the world 14 Brandeis Review of leisure. Both the technology of the Roman bath building, with steam-heated floors and walls, for example, and the social habits practiced within it first took shape in Campania, the region that encompasses the cities of Vesuvius.

After a morning of business in the forum, the Pompeian man might spend much of the afternoon in the bath, enjoying the sequence of cold, warm, hot and in some more elaborate establishments, steam baths. Women used the baths too — smaller, less well-appointed sections just for them — probably at different times of day from the men.

Patrons, and evidence exists mostly for males, could exercise and get rubdowns, eat all manner of foodstuffs cakes, sausages, fish sauce, wines, eggs, nuts, vegetables, fruits and breads and partake of various sexual pleasures explicitly recorded in graffiti. In addition to prostitution in the public and private baths of Pompeii, customers could procure sexual favors from at least 25 other locations.

Baths run in conjunction with prostitution, however, were one of Pompeii's more lucrative economic operations. Ancient Pompeians revelled in the theater. Of the two theaters at Pompeii, one was small and covered for more serious performances such as lectures, readings, concerts, and one was quite large seating about 4, for more popular stage productions.

The exact nature of the entertainments of the large theater is difficult to reconstruct, but some evidence in the literary record and graffiti suggests that it was rough, rowdy, often crude, and undoubtedly played a major part in the local life of Pompeii. The writers of the 19th century, Bulwer foremost among them, used their imaginations to portray the Pompeian theater in the manner of the London stage — stylish and suitable for the tastes of the wealthy.

Graffiti from Pompeii is rich with detail of the deadly sports played out in the Pompeian amphitheater. The archaeological record proves that the populace was not, as Bulwer would have it in his novel, assembled in the amphitheater when the disaster struck. He contrived the setting m order to compare the end of Pompeii with Sodom and Gomorrah.

Although the amphitheater could be used for any large spectacle, what the Pompeian crowd expected and demanded was blood, in the form of gladiatorial combats or of performances pitting wild beasts against human victims. A ready passport to popular favor for any local official was the provision of ludi, games, and one of the formal requirements of public office at Pompeii was the expenditure of a large sum either on public buildings or on public entertainment.

The human performers were either condemned criminals, or else trained gladiators, who were slaves, prisoners of war, lesser criminals or voluntary professionals. Any true evaluation of life in Pompeii must be based on societal realities of the Roman world.

With persistence, the science of archaeology unravels the mysteries with a fair degree of accuracy. Nineteenth- and 20th-century literature and art — so compelling Forty-five students gave up their lunch hour every Monday and Wednesday from pm to hear Professor Ann Olga Koloskl-Ostrow lecture with slides. They faithfully attended lectures and joined the field trips to see Brandeis' own small but impressive ancient collection at the Rose Art Museum and the stunning antiquities at the Museum of Fine Arts in Boston.

The immediacy of the ancient tragedy and the romanticism surrounding Pompeii clearly had caught their imaginations. Professor Koloski-Ostrow's challenge was to tear down their preconceptions and to build up an archaeological truth, which could still enable her students to enjoy the magic of the site. The sun is already uncomfortably hot at Pompeii when the ticket- takers throw open their gates to the tourists in the early morning. Minute by minute the white rays devour the shade at every corner along with the poetic magic so deeply felt in the cool of the previous evening.

In this bright light the archaeologist must record what can be seen at the site — unencumbered by feeling and mood. Handler, in a keynote address to a meeting of the National Association of College and University Attorneys in Boston, spoke about the need for a comprehensive national education policy.

The speech has been edited for the Biandeis Review. Education in the Boston area is something of a cottage industry that began over years ago with the founding of this nation's oldest public school — Boston Latin — and its oldest university — Harvard.

The industry has flourished over the years with the addition of many other fine institutions of higher learning, including MIT, Boston University, Boston College, Northeastern University, Tufts, the University of Massachusetts and the youngest research university in the country, Brandeis. All told, Massachusetts has more than public and private postsecondary institutions, most of them located in the Greater Boston area. Since we are all concerned with education and we are meeting in one of the education capitals of the world, I thought I would address my remarks today to education — specifically, the need that I see for the United States to develop a national education policy.

In most countries, the national government assumes the primary responsibility for education at all levels — elementary, secondary and postsecondary. The responsibility in this country resides primarily with state and local government 16 Brandeis Review and private institutions — some founded under religious auspices and most operated on a nonprofit basis. Bill after the war, Washington played virtually no role in education.

In the postwar years, however, the federal government has become deeply involved in education both directly and indirectly. Direct involvement has focused on higher education and has taken two forms primarily: sponsoring research and providing financial aid to students. Indirect involvement has centered on the enforcement of civil rights laws designed to assure equal opportunity for minority students, both in the public schools and at the college and university level.

There have also been social welfare programs, such as Head Start, designed to prepare disadvantaged children for success in school. These programs have provided significant support for our educational system. But the efforts have been uneven at best, and, in most instances, they have been aimed at supporting policy initiatives in areas other than education — for example, national defense, public health and space exploration.

Thus, as beneficial as many of these programs have been, they cannot truly be said to constitute a coherent education policy. Still there are many strengths in our educational system. The structure of education in America both reflects and enhances our great heritage of cultural, ethnic, religious and political diversity.

In moving toward a national education policy, care must be taken to build on the strengths of our decentralized, pluralistic education system, which by and large has served most of us quite well over the years. The system has provided a high degree of access to education at all levels, achieved a high level of mass literacy, and produced exceptional creativity and achievement in the arts and humanities, science and technology, and the professions.

From a historical perspective at least, it is fair to say that education in America has been the envy of most of the world. And despite major shortcomings — whether they deal with math and science literacy and poor writing skills among graduates of some of our best suburban high schools, or violence, drug abuse and high dropout rates at some of our most deprived inner-city schools — America continues to draw more foreign college and university students than any other country in the world.

At this point you may well be asking yourself: If things are going so well without a national education policy, maybe we don't need one after all. In other words, if it isn't broke, why fix it? But it is broken, in several parts, and at both the primary and secondary, as well as the higher-education levels. Rising dropout rates from our nation's high schools, low reading and math scores, general ignorance about history and geography have all brought criticism.

The back-to-basics movement reflects the feeling — and not without some justiflcation — that money and energy have been wasted on frills in a rush to achieve change for the sake of change, and that ill-defined educational theories have drawn our children into a labyrinth without clearly perceivable or defined goals, sacrificing the values and achievements of earlier times.

Politically, some critics of the higher- education establishment took the Reagan victories of the early s as an opportunity to settle accounts with the elite universities, which they saw as the radical strongholds that had allegedly weakened national morale during the Vietnam War.

Even now, this "us vs. We also hear criticisms that moral failure in the nation derives in part from the permissiveness and shortcomings in the public schools, conveniently ignoring the ethical and moral decline reflected elsewhere in American society. Finally, those concerned with America's lack of competitiveness in the global market often cite the failure of American schools to follow those of Western Europe, and especially Japan, in producing highly skilled and self- disciplined workers.

These disappointments and the resulting criticisms create a perception that American education is in crisis. No doubt, however, it is meant to catch headlines and stir us to action. But what kind of action?

For without doubt, a plan of action is needed! Beyond the headlines that keep reminding us that "Johnny can't read, write, add and subtract," the answer to the question — why do we need a national education policy? Clearly, something is missing in our national priorities. For the most part, those benefits have been reaUzed by white, upwardly mobile, lower-middle- to upper-class groups withm American society — in other words, the great historical majority.

And while the system is one that has certainly elevated immigrants and served minorities too, it is also true that the system is often at its weakest and least effective when attempting to serve these same groups simultaneously.

Until fairly recently in our history, this was not perceived as a problem for society, though, indeed, it may have been a tragedy for the individual. Until the Second World War, society provided reasonable alternatives for those whom the educational system had failed.

The same is no longer the case in a postindustrial, service-based economy that offers few attractive employment opportunities for the non-high school graduate and fewer still for the unskilled laborer. In addition to enhancing employment prospects for individuals, a better system of education will help increase the overall productivity of America's work force.

This takes on an ever greater sense of urgency as the economies and education levels of other nations — including many in the so-called developing world — continue to grow rapidly. Since the cost of labor in most of these countries is significantly lower than it is in the United States, we must learn to do our work better and faster.

And if we want to sell our goods and services in a global marketplace, we must become literate in the languages, cultures and politics of other nations, whether they are located in an economically unified Europe or in Asia, Central or South America, or Africa. Here at home, the challenges are no less compelling.

In the next decade, sweeping demographic and social changes will test some of the basic tenets of our way of life, including the capacity of the so-called American melting pot. Today, the school- aged population in the United States is 70 percent white and 30 percent non-white.

By the year , the ratio is expected to be SO- SO. How to fully integrate racial and ethnic minorities into the mainstream of America will be one of the overriding domestic social issues of the next decade and beyond. This is not just a question of social justice; it is enlightened self-interest.

It also is an economic imperative because we will not continue to prosper if we squander half our national manpower and brainpower. We must discover how to communicate effectively — to all segments of our population — an understanding and acceptance of the values of education. Our diverse and heterogeneous society exhibits a wide variety of value systems.

And while all value systems may be neutral in terms of their validity of expression, not all value systems equip their members to deal competitively in an increasingly technical, ever-expanding and complex world economy and international society.

To the demographic pressures must be added fundamental changes in our family structure. The old Ozzie and Harriet ideal of Mom at home with the milk and cookies, while Dad pitches in with the homework, is dead — if, indeed, it ever existed outside of suburbia. The norm today in two-parent families is a working mother and father with precious little "quality time" to spend with the children.

In addition, and more significantly, the percentage of children living in single-parent homes — most often with a mother and no father — is approaching 30 percent nationally, due to a significant increase in the divorce rate and the staggering incidence of children born out of wedlock, which exceeds 70 percent among the childbearing women under 30 years of age in some segments of the population.

This trend has contributed significantly to the shocking increase in the number of women and children living in poverty. According to one estimate, approximately one out of four seven-year-olds in this country — we are talking here about the high school class of the year — live below the poverty line. That is the highest percentage in over 30 years.

Given these numbers, is it any wonder that one out of seven high school students in the United States — one in five right here in Massachusetts, according to a state report issued yesterday — never graduate? There are currently 2S million high school dropouts in this country, and , more are added each year. In a postindustrial society, these young people cannot compete and threaten to become part of a permanent American underclass. I don't need to tell you the implications of this sad state of affairs in terms of drug abuse, crime and the loss of valuable human resources, not to mention the personal tragedy of individual lives destroyed.

Consider these statistics. Nationally, a high school dropout is three and one-half times more likely than a graduate to be arrested, six times more likely to be an unwed mother, seven and one-half times more likely to be on welfare and twice as likely to be unemployed and poor. Given these numbers, it is not surprising to find that 80 percent of the nation's prison inmates are high school dropouts. I do not mean to suggest that crime and poverty are in any way caused by a failure in our educational system.

Nor am I suggesting that schools alone either can or should be responsible for solving these problems. As a practical matter, many social and educational programs are already linked, although too often without adequate planning or resources. Ozzie and Harriet have been replaced by day-care, preschool, after-school, family counseling, drug and alcohol programs and many more. Indeed, our schools have become — almost willy- nilly — a conveyor belt for delivering social services and imparting moral training, and in many cases they are poorly equipped for the tasks at hand.

These ad hoc initiatives cannot substitute for a well-defined and comprehensive national education policy, one that is articulated in Washington at the highest level by the President and leaders m the Congress. As professionals m the field of education, we can and should play a more active role in beginning a dialogue that, we hope, will help inform our policymakers. Time does not permit me to explore the specific components of a national education policy in detail, but let me offer just a few thoughts on what I see as the major elements.

I have touched on several already, but let me repeat them briefly. First and foremost, the national policy should build on the strengths of our diverse and pluralistic education system that historically has been so successful in providing access, stimulating creativity and producing achievement.

Primary responsibility for designing and implementing instructional programs should continue to reside with state and local officials and private institutions and not with officials in Washington. At the same time, the national policy should be comprehensive in scope. Rather than establishing curricula, the policy should enunciate educational goals and provide financial support for programs at all levels — elementary, secondary, college, graduate and postgraduate.

Special attention should be paid to assuring access and support for minority students and immigrants. The educational policy and programs should be coordinated closely with national, social and economic policies in order to avoid duplication of effort and conflicts and to maximize results. In addition to these basic elements, let me suggest a few more guidelines: The policy should recognize the importance of vocational and technical education as well as liberal arts and professional education.

It should stimulate serious consideration of focus within the curriculum, the essentials of education for the 21st century and the maintenance of reasonable standards of accomplishment. It should recognize the appropriate limits of specialization. Recent suggestions that have been made to separate the functions of teaching and research at the higher- education level would, in my judgment, eliminate one of the great strengths of the American higher-education system.

The policy should also provide support and resources for the maintenance of education's physical infrastructure at every level, including university laboratories. Finally, the policy must recognize that education cannot be a cure-all for every problem faced by our society.

As our society and the world continue to change, we must develop a new consensus about work, values, governance, economic capability and political philosophy. This means the setting of goals and priorities and the building of the national consensus that will be required to secure the allocation of resources to get the job done. Building such a consensus will require vision and leadership, both within and outside government.

And this is where people like us — who hold positions of responsibility within higher education — have a special role to play in developing a strategy that can mobilize public support for a major national policy initiative in education. Test Yourself You may be dismayed by a recent finding by the National Science Foundation that only 6 percent of Americans can be termed "scientifically literate.

Investigators have pointed to another alarming statistic: although employment in engineering and the sciences doubled between and , the number of degrees earned in math and the sciences was stagnant or decreasing. To make matters worse, more and more degrees in these fields are being awarded to foreign students who will return to their homes after graduation. Words like "innumeracy" — a term to describe people who cannot manage simple mathematical concepts — and such self-explanatory phrases as "scientifically illiterate" are entering our discussions frequently as we take stock of our sinking educational standards.

Every American, after all, has a crying need to be scientifically literate to solve practical problems in the workplace and to take intelligent action on science-related civic issues. You might enjoy testing yourself by means of the quiz that follows. The Brandeis Review invited faculty to help devise a quiz so that readers can measure their ability to apply and extrapolate the basic principles of science and math into everyday life.

Will you try your hand? Choose the correct answer: It is frequently said that people use only about 10 percent of their brains. This can be estimated from: measuring brain energy consumption asleep vs. Brandeis perched atop a knoll in the center of the campus is electrifying. No aloof deliberator confined to his bench, he stands one foot in front of the other, poised to advance, as if the hill could not contain him.

On his right hand, which is raised, the index finger thrusts upward as if he were addressing an issue. His eyes search out the undefined space beyond. With the pronounced inclination of his torso and his robes flying back in response to forward motion, he is all engagement. The University's namesake leaves a formidable legacy. Brandeis' nomination to the Supreme Court by President Woodrow Wilson in signaled a turning point in American history.

During the greater part of the 22 years of his career on the Court, he was, along with Justice Oliver Wendell Holmes, a great dissenter, and his dissenting opinions continually challenged the predominant conservatism of his colleagues. Eventually, Brandeis' views on the law, and its ability to adapt to social realities, helped to remold the social and legal philosophy of the country. If the physical presence of Justice Brandeis on the campus is strikingly evoked by the statue, does his spiritual presence also hover?

Difficult to say. But enough Brandeis University alumni are engaged in the field of social justice to suggest that something occurs here in the educational process to stimulate a concern for adapting the law to social questions. Among the best-known alumni in this domain is Frank Susman '63, whose advocacy for the right of abortion for women predates the Roe v.

Wade landmark decision, handed down by the Supreme Court in When the Court this past AphI heard arguments on Webster v. Reproductive Health Services. Susman was allotted 30 minutes, according to Court procedure, to present his side of the issue. He hoped to persuade the nine justices to rule against a vlissouri statute that restricts women's right to abortion and to convince the bench to leave Roe v. Wade untouched. The decision, announced in July, proved to be a disappointment to Susman and other pro-choice advocates and a triumph for pro-life forces.

It provided also a powerful indication of how the Court might decide on future cases concerning abortion. In a ruling, the Court allowed states to place certain limits on abortion. The majority of justices is ready, it seems, to uphold state restrictions that have been ruled unconstitutional for the past 16 years. To present an oral argument before the highest court in the land is no quotidian occasion under any circumstances: always, the sense that one is bound up in the course of history is implicit in each appearance in this hallowed courtroom.

When Susman appeared in April, the debate was focused not only on matters of life and death but probed beyond to the awesome imponderables of human existence: "when does life actually begin? As a phncipal performer stood Susman, a veteran litigator. The St. Louis native holds the distinction of having argued more reproductive rights cases before the Court than any other attorney living or dead.

The April argument marked his fifth appearance before the Supreme Court to defend abortion rights. Susman's activities concerning abortion began in the late 1 s. Some of the most desperate were pregnant women who were contemplating suicide. Judith Widdicombe, a "The conclusion to which this leads me is that when you have an issue that is so divisive and so emotional and so personal and so intimate, that it must be left as a fundamental right' to the individual to make that choice.

I, as board chair, made the decision to be a lead plaintiff in the recent Supreme Court case, but Frank and I have been strategizing since May , when the restrictive bill was first enacted in Missouri. The organization was specifically set up to find services for women to terminate their pregnancies — legally or illegally — if they so desired. He recalled in a telephone interview with the Brandeis Review that "there were not many legal sources at that time and if they did exist most women could not afford them.

We couldn't advertise, of course, and it was illegal not only to assist, but also to encourage abortion in Missouri. But it was amazing how quickly word spread and people came seeking help. Wade decision was announced by the Supreme Court. Then, some of the same people who were involved with the organization and others immediately set up its successor, Reproductive Health Services.

That agency moved to the attack as a lead plaintiff some years later, with Susman as the counsel, in a successful challenge in two lower federal courts to the 1 Missouri law barring public employees from taking part in abortions not necessary to save the life of the mother and barring the use of public buildings for abortions.

This is the case that finally reached the U. This successor enterprise is now the key target of Missoun's pro-life advocates since it performs about 8. For one-third of the women who cannot pay the fee. Reproductive Health Services, a not-for-profit organization, performs the procedure free or at reduced charges. For the most part, its operation is not affected by the July decision. The ruling puts a ban only on public hospitals not private or other taxpayer-supported facilities from performing abortions not necessary to saving life, even if no public funds are expended.

That decision also bans public employees, including doctors, nurses and other health care providers from performing or assisting an abortion not necessary to save a woman's life. However, Reproductive Health Services is affected by the hotly debated issue called viability testing, part of the Missouri law that the July decision upheld, that mandates medical tests to be performed on any fetus thought to be at least 20 weeks old to determine its ability to live outside the womb.

While Roe v. Wade allows certain regulations in the second trimester to protect the health of the mother, and greater restrictions only in the third trimester to protect the fetus, at least five justices support the state's interest in protecting potential life whenever possible. This indicates that at some point the bench might uphold further restrictions at earlier dates in the pregnancy to protect the welfare of the fetus.

And what rings especially ominously for Reproductive Health Services' ability to operate effectively is the Turnock v. Ragsdale case on the docket for October, which concerns state regulations of pnvate clinics. Yet, in the face of these threats when we spoke last June, Susman was convinced that the Court would not completely overturn Roe v. I don't believe the Court is prepared to go back. Susman is an emphatic advocate of abortion clinics such as Reproductive Health Services, as opposed to hospitals.

In defense of clinics, he points to their unique advantage: "they are the best place for abortions for a multitude of reasons, but the singular merit is that they are run by women and women health groups and provide ongoing counseling. Doctors see the patient for only 10 minutes when they perform the abortions: everything else is done by female counselors and nurses.

Hospitals, to the contrary, are managed and sometimes owned by physicians who are mostly males. People who perform abortions at outpatient clinics have done tens of thousands of them. Conversely, if a woman goes to a hospital the abortion will probably be performed by a physician who has done considerably fewer. Isaacson-Jones, director of Reproductive Health Services, whose facilities aid women from a state area, sees Susman as an integral and necessary part of that organization.

She says that he sits in on all major meetings, guides the agency on financial management and advises it on all legal matters. When my staff approaches a patient, I want to be sure that the rules are adapted so that they fit the 26 Brandeis Review needs of the patient. Frank helps me to adapt the rules so that the best options are available for the women whether they choose parenthood, adoption or abortion," she says. The suit was a joint financial project with the Planned Parenthood Federation of America and the American Civil Liberties Union, an organization that had honored Susman in the past for his pursuit of social justice.

In the oral argument Susman debated against Acting Solicitor General Charles Fried, who represented the federal government and William Webster, attorney general of Missouri. Long- and short-term rates exposure is the weighted average of the index constituents exposure to the selected Citi factor.

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Brighton, MA. Misha Escovitz, 28 years old, works for Fidelity Investments. He lives in Brighton, MA. Misha Escovitz. We Found Misha Escovitz. Misha Escovitz LinkedIn. View Misha Escovitz's professional profile on LinkedIn. LinkedIn is the world's largest business network, helping professionals like Misha Escovitz discover View Misha Escovitz's business profile as Quantitative Research Associate at Fidelity Investments and see work history, affiliations and more.

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Misha Escovitz joined HarbourVest in and currently leads the analyst team Misha joined the Firm from Fidelity Investments, where he held several roles. HarbourVest Partners provides clients with private markets investment solutions through fund investing, secondary, and direct co-investments, as well as. Misha joined the Firm from Fidelity Investments, where he held several roles over 15 years. Most recently he was a quantitative research analyst within the.